Search results for : voters

Which 2016 Presidential Candidate will support us, we have power of over 6.7 million voters

Our network reaches over 24 million registered Hispanic voters, of which are over 6.7 million and we are united with a group of over 30,000 from Texas (which has millions of Hispanic voices/voters).

So which candidate will support us ?  This is a great question for all of us.  We know many of our followers like Hillary but her network after 100 calls, letters and emails has not responded.  Nor has any other candidate except one.

So you all want to know who this is ?

Vote here

Well we can’t disclose just yet, but not only is this candidate (who many will be shocked), sending us official documentation which will will publish later.


Donations are down, if you want to donate, please email us. We are close to a payment solution.

Today is Voters Day in Texas – Spanish Land Grant Heirs Tejano Land Grant and Hispanic Latino Voters

VOC –  12:00 AM  Today is the day to vote, we hope you get out there, because every vote is important.

Although there may be other items on the ballot this is what we know from the Texas Secretary of States office, you will have to check your local  and county governments, or media news outlets for other information more specific to where you live.

We have highlighted people in red we believe that would be supportive of Hispanics and Latinos, if the candidate is not in red, then we are not sure, please use your own information and judgement.


This is why we need more volunteers active to help in upcoming elections and send letters, make phone calls, or send emails to ask who will support us, and then post those supporters on our website here.  Then we can finish our list of supporters you can cross reference click here

As an impartial entity, this website only includes candidate name and political party affiliation information. Political stances with regard to issues are not referenced on this site. Such information can be obtained through Web searches or by visiting a particular candidate’s Web page.

February 17, 2015 Special Runoff Elections

Election Night Returns

Candidates for State Senator, District 26


Proclamation for Senate District 26 (PDF)

Trey Martinez Fischer
2248 W. Magnolia
San Antonio, Texas 78201
DOB: 06/05/1970
Filed with Filing Fee

Jose Menendez
1518 Townsend House
San Antonio, Texas 78251
DOB: 03/11/1969
Marketing Vice President
Filed with Filing Fee

State Representative, District 13  

Proclamation for State Representative, District 13 (PDF)  State Sen. Lois Kolkhorst, has supported in the past and is the current Senator

Carolyn Cerny Bilski
721 7th Street
Sealy, Texas 77474
DOB: 09/15/1953
Austin County Judge
Filed with Filing Fee

Leighton Schubert
306 S. Porter
Caldwell, Texas 77836
DOB: 07/14/1982
Filed with Filing Fee

Candidates for State Representative, District 17


Proclamation for House District 17 (PDF)

John Cyrier
1301 Westwood Rd.
Lockhart, Texas 78644
DOB: 05/04/1973
General Contractor
Filed with Filing Fee

Brent Golemon
117 Mokuauia Ct.
Bastrop, Texas 78602
DOB: 08/30/1968
Filed with Filing Fee

Candidates for State Representative, District 123


Proclamation for House District 123 (PDF)

Diego Bernal
107 Kinder
San Antonio, Texas 78212
DOB: 10/19/1976
Attorney – Consultant
Filed with Filing Fee

Nunzio Previtera
2714 Gainesborough Dr.
San Antonio, Texas 78230
DOB: 01/05/1953
Insurance Agent
Filed with Filing Fee

What’s my district?

Want to know in which congressional district or legislative district you live? This information is located at the bottom of your voter registration certificate. You may also find this information by entering your street address on the Who Represents Me form located on theTexas Legislature Online website. The “Who Represents Me” site shows who represents a person currently through the end of 2012.

Political Party Websites

Information is provided and maintained by the respective parties.

Republican Party

Democratic Party

Libertarian Party

Green PartyWhat’s on the ballot?

28 Million Latino Voters in 2015

AP –

A record 25.2 million Latinos were eligible to vote in the 2014 midterm elections, making up, for the first time, 11% of all eligible voters nationwide. But despite a growing national presence, in many states with close Senate and gubernatorial races this year, Latinos make up a smaller share of eligible voters, according to an analysis of Census Bureau data by the Pew Research Center.

In the eight states with close Senate races, just 4.7% of eligible voters on average are Latinos. Among those states, Latinos make up less than 5% of eligible voters in six. in the eight states with close Senate races, just 4.7% of eligible voters on average are Latinos. Among those states, Latinos make up less than 5% of eligible voters in six.

In Texas that number is 4.2 Million Registered Hispanic voters, 44% of Latinos are eligible to vote. Texas has the second largest Hispanic population in the nation.   California ranks first with 5.9 million

In each midterm election since 1974, the number of Latino voters reached a new record high, largely reflecting the community’s fast population growth. However, the share of those Latinos who actually vote on Election Day—the voter turnout rate—has lagged significantly behind other racial and ethnic groups.

For Hispanics, however, young people are a larger share of eligible voters than they are among other groups. Texas’s 16th district is the largest Congressional district by Latino eligible voter population, with 313,000 Latino eligible voters.

So not only do we need to energize people to send out letters, we need to energize Latinos this year to register to vote, and show up at the polls on election dates.

We did a search on our site for voters, you can also search elections, and get involved, there are many ways presented.  Also use our causes and events for more information about Elections and what you can do to make an impact in 2015.  We have started early, lets keep this going. Thanks for all your help.

Will the voters of HB724 support us in 2015?

This is a great question to ask as we are preparing for the last unclaimed mineral rights commission meeting of this year and next year’s upcoming elections.   Here you will find 137 votes Yea and 1 Nay, that’s pretty good.  Of course that was in the house, and who was that Naysayer ? Rep. Debbie Riddle

Who voted for our cause?

What’s the next step?  We need to contact everyone of those people who voted for this bill, you can find their contacts by clicking here.  If they are not listed a quick Google search will help you locate them.  We want to ask them will they continue to support our causes for next year.  You can use this form letter  -click here or modify it to your own liking and then record their responses with this form click here, and you can click here to see who said they will support us.

What about the senate ? This link and this link you see who did supported it  : Yeas: Birdwell, Carona, Davis, Deuell, Duncan, Ellis, Eltife, Estes, Fraser, Garcia, Hancock, Hegar, Hinojosa, Huffman, Lucio, Nichols, Patrick, Paxton, Rodrı´guez, Seliger, Taylor, Uresti, VanideiPutte, Watson, West, Whitmire, Zaffirini. Nays: Campbell, Nelson, Schwertner. Absent-excused: Williams. The bill was read third time and was passed by the following vote: Yeasi27, Naysi3. (Same as previous roll call)

What does this tell us?  Well first of all it tells us not alot.  These elected officials vote differently depending on the pressure they receive from the different networks of heirs. So this doesn’t mean the the officials who voted Nay will vote Nay again, we simply don’t know. That is why it is utterly important to begin this next step in contacting them.

Secondly, you can keep the record of responses to yourself, but it would be nice if you would share it with us.  Please refer to this link later or our election / news so we can have form for you to submit you results.  Then we can compare notes.

Thirdly, not only will this help you and other voters, our voice will ensure to these officials we mean business and next years elections are crucial for us to electing supportive candidates.

Lastly,  maybe you have some ideas for action this and next year,  please share them with us by becoming a member.  We need your help. It takes much work just to keep this site and network going.  The more help we have ,  the more voices we have, the more change we can make!

08/27/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Who will be our famous activist leader ? Amelia Boynton Robinson: the ‘indomitable spirit’ that carried a movement

One thing is for sure our movement needs a strong, public leader that can unify and get people active.  That is our goal of course, we hoped we would be able to inspire the sleeping, I don’t care, let’s talk about it, people to get off their feet and be a voice of change.



AP – Gregory Smity AP/File caption Amelia Boynton Robinson appears at an American Civil Rights Education Services tour at the Martin Luther King Jr. National Historic Site in Atlanta, Aug. 26, 2003. Ms. Boynton Robinson, a civil rights activist who nearly died while helping lead the Selma march on ‘Bloody Sunday,’ championed voting rights for blacks, and was the first black woman to run for Congress in Alabama, died Wednesday.

Hopefully this will inpsire our  followers to get involved and do something more than they are doing.


Amelia Boynton Robinson, known as the matriarch of the Voting Rights Act, began advocating as a young girl, handing out
leaflets for women’s suffrage.

Amelia Boynton Robinson, a pivotal figure in the struggle for civil rights in Selma, Ala., whose picture, battered and left
unconscious by police on the Edmund Pettus Bridge became an iconic image that publicized the often violent struggle to
enfranchise black voters, died Wednesday in a Montgomery Alabama Hospital.

Selma became a flashpoint in the civil rights movement in large part because of Boynton Robinson’s efforts to bring Martin
Luther King Jr. to the city and make it a battleground in the fight to grant blacks the right to vote.

Mrs. Boynton Robinson, known as the matriarch of the Voting Rights Act, was one of the organizers of the first march from
Selma to Alabama’s capital, Montgomery which lives in infamy as the day known as “Bloody Sunday.”

During the march on March 7, 1965 state troopers teargassed, clubbed, and whipped the 600 non-violent protesters when they
attempted to cross the bridge. Boynton Robinson, who was near the front of the march, was knocked unconscious by the
attack, and her image – plastered across newspapers nationwide – helped to galvanize support for civil rights across the

In 1965, as a direct outcome of the demonstrations in Selma, President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the federal Voting Rights
Act into law. Boynton Robinson was invited to the ceremony at the White House as a guest of honor.

As part of the 50-year commemoration of the marches, Boynton Robinson held hands with the nation’s first black president as
they reenacted the march across the bridge that now symbolizes the long march for civil rights in the country.

“She was as strong, as hopeful and as indomitable of spirit – as quintessentially American – as I’m sure she was that day
50 years ago,” President Obama said in a statement on Wednesday. “To honor the legacy of an American hero like Amelia
Boynton requires only that we follow her example – that all of us fight to protect everyone’s right to vote.”

“She was as strong, as hopeful and as indomitable of spirit – as quintessentially American – as I’m sure she was that day
50 years ago,” President Obama said in a statement on Wednesday. “To honor the legacy of an American hero like Amelia
Boynton requires only that we follow her example – that all of us fight to protect everyone’s right to vote.”


How far we we behind as Hispanic people, well the white and black people are still leading us. No one person has ever stood up to unite the Hispanics. It’s high time we come together.


07/23/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Membership Levels

If you would like to join or volunteer, all it takes is a little bit of time. We hope you get involved as a voice of change today! About: We are a growing network from the  4.5 million Hispanic registered Texan voters and we are connected with another strong and growing networks of over 25,000 Hispanics. There are over 26 Million Hispanic voters nationwide that we reach out to. Won’t you join us?

You can use a debit card or credit card when signing up for a membership that is non reoccurring or by making a donation. We are no longer using paypal, as they violate human rights

The following subscription plans are available, or you can make a donation. We have a Professional Non-reoccurring available.  If you would like a discounted reoccurring, plan please visit our store (click here), reoccurring subscriptions are discounted.

Reoccurring discounted plans:  Manual Renewable plans signup below this chart.

Cost Free $10 / 3 Months $25 / Year $49 / Year $199 / Year $499 / Year $649 / Year $799 / Year $949 / 5 yrs $50,000 / Lifetime
Free Downloads* Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Attorney Contacts/Links Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Laws Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Submit Story Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Submit Article/Info. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Commenting Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Booking Event Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Resources / Linke Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Volunteer Opportunities Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Guide to Receiving Royalities Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
% off Product* 5% 10% 15%
Special Downloads* Y Y Y Y Y Y
Sponsor Listing Y Y Y
Special Invites Y Y Y Y Y
Newsletter Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Online Gift Card Y Y Y Y
Print/Reproduction Y Y
Complimentary Texas Photo Book Y Y
FREE Wall Art Y
Listing on Website Y

* does not include all products, limited by levels

We have the following manual renewing plans available now.

To join, simply click on the Sign Up button and then complete the registration details. Discounted reoccurring plans are located in our store, later will be added here later – click here for discounted plans.

If you already have an account, please make sure you log in first before proceeding with Joining, otherwise it may ask you to create a new account.





Phase 1 : 5 Million out of 30 Million to get registered to vote and active

Phase 1 We are seeking 5 Million to register to vote , verify registration / update residence and get active in this years elections and our campaigns.  Below is a signup  DEADLINE TILL NEXT PHASE is AUGUST 30

Hispanics are one of the fast growing populations in the United States. There are over 54 Million Hispanics living in the US, and over 30 million eligible Hispanic / Latino voters but less than 49% are registered and active voters. We want to see this change America for the better and change the Hispanics lives and dreams. The largest group of Hispanic people is found in New Mexico (47.3 percent), followed by California with 14.4 million. They are also heavily represented in Texas (10 million) and Florida (4.5 million). In addition, Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, New Jersey, and New York all have more than one million Hispanic residents.

This Phase includes : Building a broader Hispanic Voter Base. Engage them in voting, over 80 of Hispanics that can vote,would rather not vote, we want to turn that around to 80% who understand it is necessary for them to vote. Our first goal is to add 5 million more users to the voting population, starting in Texas and California. When we reach that we will work for the rest of the 30 million who are not registered and or active. In 2014 Hispanics made up 8% of total voters, black voters 12% and whites 75%. We believe we can change the Hispanic number to 15% in 2016.

We need your help. We created some tools to help them get registered. Please check with all of your family, realitives and Hispanic friends and ask them if they are registered to vote or if their voter registration is updated.

You can actually register right from here and you can click here for campaign stickers and tools.

Sign here if you are registered to vote or updated / verified your registration:

[emailpetition id=”3″]

Click here to see who voted



To be eligible to register in Texas, you must:

  • Military/Overseas Votersbe a U.S. citizen;
  • be a resident of the county;
  • be 18 years old (you may register at 17 years and 10 months);
  • not a convicted felon (unless a person’s sentence is completed, including any probation or parole)
  • not declared mentally incapacitated by a court of law

Texas Am I Registered to Vote?

Can’t remember if you’ve registered in the past? Please feel free to use our Texas Voter Information Website  that not only confirms whether you are registered or not, but will even allow you to search for your polling place location prior to an election. The service is easy to use. All you need is a Texas Driver’s license to get started. If you know that you have not registered to vote then please use the Informal Online Application service which is displayed to the right.

Am I Registered to Vote?

Texas Informal Online Application

You may fill out a voter registration application online, print it and mail it to the voter registrar in your county of residence. You are not registered until you have filled out the online application, printed it, and mailed it to your local County Voter Registrar. The County Voter Registrar’s address can be found at the top of the online outputted voter registration application once you have submitted your information from the fill-in-the blanks screen.


Informal Online Voter Registration Application


California Qualifications

To register to vote in California, you must be:

  • A United States citizen,
  • A resident of California,
  • 18 years of age or older on Election Day,
  • Not in prison, on parole, serving a state prison sentence in county jail, serving a sentence for a felony pursuant to subdivision (h) of Penal Code section 1170, or on post release community supervision (for more information on the rights of people who have been incarcerated, please see the Secretary of State’s Voting Rights for Californians with Criminal Convictions or Detained in Jail or Prison), and
  • Not found by a court to be mentally incompetent.


  • in California You can apply to register to vote


right now by filling in the online application. If you have any questions, visit Frequently Asked Questions, contact the Secretary of State’s Elections Division at (800) 345-8683 or by email.

If you are enrolled in California’s confidential address program, Safe At Home, please do not apply to register to vote using this site. Contact the Safe At Home program toll-free at (877) 322-5227 or by the Safe At Home email.

California Are You Already Registered to Vote?

To find out if you are currently registered to vote, visit Check Status of Your Voter Registration.

California Voter Registration Deadlines

In California, the deadline to register to vote for any election is 15 days before Election Day, so please register early!

Voter Registration Deadlines for Upcoming Elections
Election Date Your registration must be postmarked or submitted electronically no later than:
June 7, 2016
(Presidential Primary Election)
May 23, 2016

California When to Re-Register to Vote

You need to re-register to vote when:

  • You move to a new permanent residence,
  • You change your name, or
  • You change your political party choice.

As a California voter, be aware that local elections in some areas are held on dates that do not coincide with statewide election dates. The 15-day close of registration deadline for these local elections varies depending on the actual date of the election. If you need to know a deadline for a local election, contact your county elections office.

California Voter Registration Drives

Anyone distributing voter registration cards in California should be familiar with the rules and regulations for conducting voter registration drives.

Anyone requesting 50 or more voter registration cards from the Secretary of State must complete and submit a Statement of Distribution Form and a plan of distribution to the Secretary of State via mail or fax to:

  • California Secretary of State
  • Elections Division
  • 1500 11th Street, 5th Floor
  • Sacramento, CA 95814
  • Fax: (916) 653-3214

The Secretary of State’s Elections Division will process the request within 48 hours of receiving the form. For additional assistance, please contact the Secretary of State’s Elections Division at (916) 657-2166.

07/11/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

2015 Jul-Dec Hispanic Network Goals

The Voice of Change Hispanic / Latino Civil Rights Movement

Hispanics are one of the fast growing populations in the United States.  There are over  54 Million Hispanics living in the US, and over 30 million eligible Hispanic / Latino voters but less than 49% are registered and active voters.  We want to see this change America for the better and change the Hispanics lives and dreams. The largest group of Hispanic people is found in New Mexico (47.3 percent), followed by California with 14.4 million. They are also heavily represented in Texas (10 million) and Florida (4.5 million). In addition, Arizona, Colorado, Illinois, New Jersey, and New York all have more than one million Hispanic residents.


  1. Build a broader Hispanic Voter Base. Engage them in voting, over 80 of Hispanics that can vote,would rather not vote, we want to turn that around to 80% who understand it is necessary for them to vote. Our first goal is to add 5 million more users to the voting population, starting in Texas and California. When we reach that we will work for the rest of the 30 million who are not registered and or active.  In 2014 Hispanics made up 8% of total voters,  black voters 12% and whites 75%. We believe we can change the Hispanic number  to 15% in 2016.
  1. Education is the number one issue of importance to Hispanics. Hispanics and Latinos believe our education system needs a reform. VOC will push new campaigns to help activate this issue. Hispanic communities face other education issues. Some schools are beginning programs to meet the needs of Hispanic students.  We want to see this trend grow.
  2. Jobs is the second issue of importance to Hispanics. Hispanics consider themselves to be discriminated against when seeking jobs. They see more whites and blacks getting the jobs over them. However in the workforce, those employers that hire Hispanics, find a more hardworking employee who is reliable and responsible. VOC will start new campaigns to make this issue at the forefront.
  3. Economy is the third most important issue to Hispanics. Many Hispanic / Latino families cannot even afford to have internet, while other races this is not an issue. One of the most concentrated number of people in poverty is the Hispanics.  VOC would like to address this with equal rights.  Our economy can only be changed by the people we elect and the people who are in leadership in business. We want to see this change through elections, awareness and programs.
  4. Health care is the fourth most important issue. Most healthcare is not affordable to Hispanic families or single Hispanic people. There needs to be a change in quality and affordable healthcare for all groups of people.  Those who cannot afford healthcare should be provided healthcare.
  5. While immigration is about the 10th most important issue and effects about 35% of the Hispanic population. VOC wishes to remain proactive in this area. We believe immigration reform will help America to be able to provide jobs for its own American citizens.
  6. Identity many Hispanics do not want to be considered Hispanic, because of discrimination. We want to change this so the Hispanics can be proud of their Identity.
  7. While we did not mention the Spanish Land Grant Heirs goals, we will continue to pursue active campaigns and causes. We are also working on a Database project, and will be announcing fundraising and details about this in the coming months.
07/09/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

A VOC interview with the Presidential Candidates

What would each Presidential Candidate support in the over 54 million Hispanics / Latinos in the United States.

Coming soon answers from Presidential candidates as we ask some tough questions.

Some of our proposed questions are:

1) What are you proposals for immigration , and rights of Hispanic / Latino families in the United States?

2) How will you support Hispanic / Latinos rights in the workplace (many Hispanics are un-identifying their race or ethnicity because of discrimination)

3) What are your plans for Hispanic / Latino members as your advisers or to assist you in your office ?

4) Do you have some questions for them? Please comment on our network or social media


This is the time to get involved in our Hispanic / Latino rights and freedom


If you would like to subscribe to the VOC Hispanic Latino Network click here for email notifications

Did you register to vote ? click here


If you would like to join or volunteer, all it takes is a little bit of time. We hope you get involved as a voice of change today! We are a growing network from the  4.5 million Hispanic registered Texan voters and we are connected with another strong and growing networks of over 25,000 Hispanics. There are over 26 Million Hispanic voters nationwide that we reach out to. Won’t you join us?

You can use a debit card or credit card when signing up for a membership or donation or purchasing.  Click proceed with paypal (you do not have to use paypal), then choose another option debit card or credit card. Please see screen print, thanks to a user for bringing this to our attention, some people do not know this.

The following subscription plans are available, or you can make a donation.  Please choose a plan, for premium plans click here 
Sign Up for a Premium Plan

For basic plans (Trial/Student, Pro) click he Sign Up Button below the chart.

Cost Free $10 / 6 Months $25 / Year $49 / Year $99 / Year $500 / Year $1,000 / Year $2,500 / Year $5,000 / 5 yrs $10,000 / Lifetime
Free Downloads* Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Attorney Contacts/Links Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Laws Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Submit Story Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Submit Article/Info. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Commenting Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Booking Event Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Resources / Linke Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Volunteer Opportunities Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Guide to Receiving Royalities Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
% off Product* 5% 10% 15%
Special Downloads* Y Y Y Y Y Y
Sponsor Listing Y Y Y
Special Invites Y Y Y Y Y
Newsletter Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y
Online Gift Card Y Y Y Y
Print/Reproduction Y Y
Complimentary Texas Photo Book Y Y
FREE Wall Art Y
Listing on Website Y

* does not include all products, limited by levels

Premium Plans

Sign Up for a Premium Plan

Please note after you order a premium plan our support will verify payment and manually add you as a member. Although your plan will say professional in the system, you will have access to special items.

[ms-note type=”info”]We have the following subscriptions available for our site. To join, simply click on the Sign Up button and then complete the registration details.[/ms-note] [ms-membership-signup]


Paying with Debit or Credit card proceed with paypal then :



07/03/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Answers – we all want some answers – well here are some

Topics what is going on with my case, how can i help, new bill passed senate for our receiverships, current petitions, elections

We all want some answers, and we all want results, we wanted results a long time ago. We really could a victory right now.  So we have put together some questions and answers that you might be wondering about. We don’t want things left unanswered.


1)  How long could the fed. lawsuit take ?  We addressed this answer, you can click here to read it

2)  What’s going on with my case?  We are not attorneys, we are a network, please check with your attorney or group leader for updates.

3)  My group leader is not updating me, please contact your attorney and let them know, check out her facebook page, some of her staff are on there, please send  a private message, not a public one, this is your private business.

4)  What can we do to help the fed. lawsuit? We have made several posts about this

We are building a large army, not only of heirs but of Latino voters, we need your help in doing this.  When we increase the size of our army more people will take notice. Do you think MLK when he had a few 100 was much of a voice or when he had 20,000? When he had close to a million, that’s when he made a difference.

a) we have two petitions : please click here to learn about them 

b) what’s next how you can help click here to read 

c) what else can I do ? read all of our articles on the site, get involved, get others involved

5) What about our politicians, are they doing anything?  I am glad you asked. We reported a few months back about Sen Zaffirini watching this network , and also Rep. Guillen has been long following us.  We reported about what bills they were working on when we interviewed him click here to read about it  , One of those bills passed. Click here to read the text . We are not all legal experts here, but it will help them to go back several years and properly record Receiverships (with the amounts deposited to the comptroller).  How long will this take them?, who will oversee that they do this? There are lots of questions, so we will be be interviewing one these people soon to find out more answers. By the way here is the info of the bill and who supported it, click here

6) How can I find out more answers ?  Well join us and get involved and ask.  If we can help locate the answer for you we will

7) What are some other things we can do that will help us achieve our goals ? Great question, please get involved with us number one.  Help get others involved with us, we can grow an army to 1 Million in less that a few months.  We have posted a lot of ideas, but we welcome your ideas, and can funnel them correctly so they would not do anything to interfere with the lawsuit, but would complement it.   Please don’t sit around and wait, please get involved and encourage others.

8) What if I do not have any money? Great question,  then on our site we give you tools to help get other supporters and contributions. Just think, if this network could give a boost to the attorney team , for their investigators, parlegals, to do more effective work and build a stronger case.  So you don’t need money to help, you can get involved even without helping us raise money, through contributions and supporters.

What are you waiting for ?

06/24/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

What happens when we reach 1 Million  – What is our next step ?

The petition are just a start to our cause. We have 25,000 in our circling network, maybe a little more. That is not much to the politicians and world to notice. In our consultations with experts we are taking this path to build up an army of people behind our cause.

However we find some interesting statistics.


There are over 3 million registered “Hispanic” voters in Texas.  38.4% of the population.  There are 54 million in the United States.  We also find that many Hispanics have identity issues, they do not want to be labelled Hispanic due to discrimination and other issues.  This is a problem for our country, not just the State of Texas.  When did the African Americans say “I do not want to be labelled African American?”  Never, they stood for their rights and had millions with them doing so.  Why are we as Hispanics not so proud of our heritage anymore? Our grandparents, and great grandparents would roll over in their graves.  We must be proud of our heritage, we must take a stand for our rights.  This will never go away, and it will get worse, if we do not take a stand.

History will have to record that the greatest tragedy of this period of social transition was not the strident clamor of the bad people, but the appalling silence of the good people.
Dr Martin Luther King, Jr.


There is a growing number of apathetic Hispanics in the United States. They do not want to do anything to fight for their rights. It is almost is the fight is out of them, or they don’t care. It is like they are in some coma – brainwashed induced.  Of the US population, the Hispanic origin is now the nation’s largest ethnic or race minority 1  Individuals who identify as Latino are close to surpassing the share of Texans solely identified as white, but no single ethnic group makes up the majority of Texas residents. With these kind of figures why is there so much Apathy and Identity we are becoming the majority? It goes back the long fight, the fight that caused our ancestor’s died for, were robbed, abused and discriminated against. Many have given up.  It’s not only the Hispanics, it’s a large part of Americans when it comes to politics. But people in our network have not given up, we stand and we will fight.

It is not malicious acts that will do us in but the appalling silence and indifference of good people. All that is needed for evil to run rampant is for good women and men to do nothing. – MLK

Now is the time energize

People are not born apathetic, people become that way.  So one sure step out of apathy is getting them involved in a project, a new project or task.  Give them some control – if they join this network, there are ways they can start their own projects and lead great causes and efforts.  Apathy is linked to how we feel, but we are not really this way, we feel this way so we act this way.  Define the cause, what took the wind out of your sail? Getting involved in our network will get you a new wind.  Change the things you can change, then help others get involved.  Put yourself in situations where you feel energized.  Maybe music helps, or people that make you laugh put yourself in those environments.  List some of the past joys, and think about them Maybe it was a successful event or project in your life it made you feel good.  Realize that this network has projects you can take charge and help that will bring back those joys in life.  Snapping out of apathy involves forcing a change in your life.  Ask yourself do you really want to live this way the rest of your life ?  Remember the great accomplishments in your life.  Start forcing some small changes and get involved this is the way out of apathy because you are creating new habits. 3   Now energize yourself with these new involvements.


So as you know from our past year we have many ways for you to get involved, we have lists of ideas, places you can contribute those skills you have.  We are going to need your help for this, and this is something you won’t want to miss out on.   Getting involved in our network is what you need and what we need as a network.   We talk about the power of 10 x 10 a lot.  In business this works. In sales it works, you probably heard the phrase “It’s all about the numbers.”  This means that when you contact 100 people, you might get 3-10 that are interested.  10 x 10 works the same way in building something.  It makes you feel great when you try to energize 10 people, and encourage them to energize 10 people.  Let me give you an example.

In college, my first year there was a Proposition on the upcoming election.  I wasn’t even registered to vote. I had been in student government since high school, but that was the extent of my involvement with politics.  But this proposition was going to take money away from schools and cancel programs, like sports, drama, and music.  I thought I better get registered to vote.  I consulted my teacher from high school and a colleague.  Asking what I could do to make sure this does not get passed. They showed me ways other people were active , there was a network already in place. I went to the office and they said get people energized at your college.   So I had access (just like you do from our network) to campaign material and press stuff.  I spent a little bit of time each day, getting students to vote and asking them what they thought about this Proposition and many did not know about it, until I showed them, and they were against it like me. I told them if we don’t vote it maybe passed. In the end I got 30,000 people to vote against this, and this was enough with the efforts of others to make sure this proposition did not get passed. This was a huge defining moment in my life and it still is a great joy to this day.

You can do the same thing. For example  on Nov 3rd there is a consititutional amendment , do you know about it? Do you agree with it ?    What about the elections , this is one way in our network you can get involved.

But it goes beyond this, it means getting involved in our cause for our mineral rights.  We need everyone’s help to reach over 1 Million supporters / followers / activists / heirs /

What about a future event we were talking about ?  We are working on details, whether we March in Austin or in Washington DC.  Our team also discussed multiple cities.  We want to give you enough time to prepare and for us to prepare so please join our network and share your ideas, and volunteer skills to make this happen.

“Human progress is neither automatic nor inevitable.  Even a superficial look at history reveals that no social advance rolls in on the wheels inevitability.  Every step towards the goal of justice requires sacrifice, suffering, and struggle; the tireless exertions and passionate concern of dedicated individuals.  Without persistent effort, time itself becomes an ally of the insurgent and primitive forces of irrational emotionalism and social destruction.  This is no time for apathy or complacency.  This is a time for vigorous and positive action.”   – Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr

Hopefully this article has energized and inspired you, there are some important things to do to help now.  These are very important to helping us reach 1 Million or possibly 5 Million or more


It’s summer let us use this time to make a change, and unite our voices.





Many thanks to Gina, Rob, Jaun, and George for ideas and contributing to the story

Tejano community Mexican American Texas Spanish Land Grant Heirs

MEXICAN AMERICANS. People of Mexican descent in Texas trace their biological origins to the racial mixture that occurred following the Spanish conquest of Mexico in the 1520s. During the Spanish colonial period, population increases occurred as Spanish males mixed with Indian females, begetting a mestizo race. By 1821, when Mexico won its independence from Spain, the mestizo population almost equalled the size of the indigenous stock and that of Iberian-born persons. Mexicans advanced northward from central Mexico in exploratory and settlement operations soon after the conquest, but did not permanently claim the Texas frontierland until after 1710. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the French became increasingly active along the Texas Gulf Coast, and in response, the viceroy in Mexico City made preparations for the colonization of the Texas wilderness. The first expedition in 1716 peopled an area that subsequently became the town of Nacogdoches; a second in 1718 settled present-day San Antonio; and a third established La Bahía (Goliad) in 1721. During the 1740s and 1750s, the crown founded further colonies along both banks of the Rio Grande, including what is now Laredo. At this early time, the crown relied primarily on persuasion to get settlers to pick up and relocate in the far-off Texas lands. Those responding hailed from Coahuila and Nuevo León, though intrepid souls from the interior joined the early migrations. In reality, few pioneers wished to live in isolation or amid conditions that included possible Indian attacks. They feared a setting that lacked adequate supplies, sustenance, and medical facilities for the sick, especially infants. Frontier living inhibited population growth so that at the beginning of the nineteenth century, when Spanish Texas neared its end, the Mexican-descent population numbered only about 5,000.

Between then and the time of the Texas Revolution in 1836, the number of Hispanics fluctuated, but then increased perceptibly, so that the first federal census taken of Texas in 1850 counted more than 14,000 residents of Mexican origin. Subsequently, people migrated from Mexico in search of agricultural work in the state, and in the last half of the century, moved north due to a civil war in the homeland (the War of the Reform, 1855–61) and the military resistance against the French presence (1862–67). But they also looked to Texas as a refuge from the poverty at home, a condition exacerbated by the emergence of President Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911), whose dictatorial rule favored landowners and other privileged elements in society. The Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) increased the movement of people across the Rio Grande. Mass relocation persisted into the 1920s as agricultural expansion in the southwestern United States also acted to entice the desperately poor. The total Mexican-descent population in Texas may have approximated 700,000 by 1930. The Great Depression and repatriation efforts (see MEXICAN AMERICANS AND REPATRIATION) and deportation drives undertaken during the 1930s stymied population expansion. Growth resumed during the 1940s, however, as labor shortages in the United States induced common people from Mexico to seek escape from nagging poverty in the homeland. Many turned to Texas ranches and farms, but also to urban opportunities, as the state entered the post-World War IIqv industrial boom. Their presence, combined with births among the native-born population, augmented the Spanish-surnamed population to 1,400,000 by 1960. Though economic refugees from Mexico continued to add to the expansion of Tejano communities after the 1960s, the majority of children born since that date have had native-born parents. The 1990 census counted 4,000,000 people of Mexican descent in the state. Fewer than 20 percent of that population were of foreign birth.

In 1836, when Texas acquired independence from Mexico, Tejanos remained concentrated in settlements founded during the eighteenth century, namely Nacogdoches, San Antonio, Goliad, and Laredo. Other communities with a primarily Mexican-descent population in 1836 included Victoria, founded by Martín De León in 1824, and the villages of San Elizario, Ysleta, and Socorro in far west Texas. Spaniards had founded these latter settlements on the west bank of the Rio Grande during the 1680s as they sought to claim New Mexico, but the villages became part of the future West Texas when the Rio Grande changed course in the 1830s. Population dispersals until the mid-nineteenth century occurred mainly within the regions of Central and South Texas. In the former area, Tejanos spread out into the counties east and southeast of San Antonio seeking a livelihood in this primarily Anglo-dominated region. In South Texas, they pushed from the Rio Grande settlements toward Nueces River ranchlands and still composed a majority of the section’s population despite the increased number of Anglo arrivals after the Mexican War of 1846–48. In the years after the Civil War, Mexicans moved west of the 100th meridian, migrating simultaneously with Anglo pioneers then displacing Indians from their native habitat and converting hinterlands into cattle and sheep ranches. By 1900, Tejanos were settled in all three sections. They formed a minority in Central Texas and a majority in South Texas; they held a demographic advantage along the border counties of West Texas, but were outnumbered by Anglos in that section’s interior.

The rise of commercial agriculture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries summoned laborers for seasonal and farm work, and both recent arrivals from Mexico and native-born Tejanos answered the call by heading into South and Central Texas fields. During this period, they also made for Southeast Texas and North Texas, searching out cotton lands as well as opportunities in large cities such as Houston and Dallas. Between 1910 and 1929, migrant workers began what became a yearly migrant swing that started in the farms of South Texas and headed northward into the developing Northwest Texas and Panhandle cottonlands. They settled in smaller communities along the routes of migration, and by the 1930s the basic contours of modern-day Tejano demography had taken form. With the exception of Northeast Texas, most cities and towns in the state by the pre-World War II era had Tejano populations. Tejanos relied on a wide spectrum of occupations in the nineteenth century, though most found themselves confined to jobs as day laborers and in other unspecialized tasks. They worked as maids, restaurant helpers, and laundry workers, but the great majority turned to range duties due to the orientation of the economy and their skills as ranchhands and shepherds (pastoresqv). A small percentage found a niche as entrepreneurs or ranchers. After the 1880s, Texas Mexicans turned to new avenues of livelihood, such as building railroads and performing other arduous tasks. During the agricultural revolution of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, many worked grubbing brush and picking cotton, vegetables, and fruits, primarily in the fields of South Texas, but also migrated into the other regions of the state as farmhands. In the urban settlements, an entrepreneurial sector-comprising shopowners, labor agents, barbers, theater owners, restaurateurs, and the like-ministered to Mexican consumers in familiar terms. Even as Texas society experienced increased urban movements following World War I, Tejanos remained preponderantly an agrarian people. In towns, many faced labor segregation and took menial jobs in construction work, city projects, railroad lines, slaughterhouses, cotton compresses, and whatever else availed itself. After World War II, however, increased numbers of Tejanos left agricultural work and found opportunities in the industrializing cities. Most found improvements in wages and working conditions in unskilled or semiskilled positions, though a growing number penetrated the professional, managerial, sales, clerical, and craft categories. Presently, the great majority of Tejanos hold urban-based occupations that range from high-paying professional positions to minimum-wage, unskilled jobs. An unfortunate minority remains tied to farm work as migratingcampesinos (farmworkers).

Since the initial settlements of the early eighteenth century, a sense of community has given Tejanos a particular identity. On the frontier, common experiences and problems forced Texas Mexicans to adjust in ways different from those of their counterparts in the Mexican interior. Tejanos fashioned an ethic of self-reliance, wresting their living from a ranching culture, improvising ways to survive in the wilderness expanse, and devising specific political responses to local needs despite directives from the royal government. In barrios (urban neighborhoods) and rural settlements in the era following the establishment of American rule, Tejanos combined tenets of Mexican tradition with those of American culture. The result was a Tejano community that practiced a familiar folklore, observed Catholic holy days and Mexican national holidays, spoke the Spanish language, yet sought participation in national life. But Tejanos faced lynching, discrimination, segregation, political disfranchisement, and other injustices. This produced a community at once admiring and distrusting of United States republicanism. The arrival of thousands of Mexican immigrants in the early years of the twentieth century affected group consciousness as now a major portion of the population looked to the motherland for moral guidance and even allegiance. Recent arrivals reinforced a Mexican mentality, as they based familial and community behavior upon the traditions of the motherland. Many took a keener interest in the politics of Mexico than that of the United States. By the 1920s, however, birth in Texas or upbringing in the state produced newer levels of Americanization. Increasingly, community leaders sought the integration of Mexicans into mainstream affairs, placing emphasis on the learning of English, on acquaintance with the American political system, and acceptance of social norms of the United States. In modern times, a bicultural Hispanic community identifies primarily with United States institutions, while still upholding Mexican customs and acknowledging its debt to the country of its forefathers.

In truth, Tejanos are a diverse group, even divided along social lines. During the colonial era, a small, elite group that included landowners, government officials, and ambitious merchants stood above the poverty-stricken masses. Though the American takeover of Texas in 1836 reversed the fortunes of this elite cohort, Mexican Americans devised imaginative responses in their determination to maintain old lands, buy small parcels of real estate, found new businesses, and develop political ties with Anglo-Americans. This nineteenth-century social fragmentation remained into the early 1900s, as even the immigrants fleeing Porfirio Díaz and the Mexican Revolution derived from different social classes. The lot of the great majority of Tejanos remained one of misery, however. Most Mexican Americans lived with uncertain employment, poor health, and substandard housing. Out of the newer opportunities developing in the 1920s, however, emerged a petit bourgeoisie composed of businessmen, doctors, lawyers, and other professionals; from this element descended the leaders who called on the masses to accept United States culture during the 1920s. According to the 1930 census, about 15 percent of Tejanos occupied middle-class positions. After World War II, social differentiation became more pronounced as numerous Tejanos successfully achieved middle-class status. By the 1990s, nearly 40 percent of the Tejano labor force held skilled, white-collar, and professional occupations. The majority, however, remained economically marginalized.

Tejanos faced numerous obstacles in their efforts to participate in the politics of the nineteenth century. Anglos considered them unworthy of the franchise and generally discouraged them from voting. Where permitted to cast ballots, Tejanos were closely monitored by Anglo political bosses or their lieutenants to ensure that they voted for specific candidates and platforms. Members of the Tejano landholding class cooperated in this procedure. The status quo for them meant protecting their possessions and their alliances with Anglo rulers (see BOSS RULE). Despite efforts to neutralize Tejanos politically, Texas Mexicans displayed interest in questions of regional and even national concern. Especially in the counties and towns along the Rio Grande and in San Antonio, they joined reform movements and attempted to mobilize people behind economic issues that bore on the wellbeing of barrio residents. Some held offices as commissioners, collectors, or district clerks. Moreover, they took stands on the divisive issues of the 1850s, the Civil War, Reconstruction, and Gilded Age politics. During the early decades of the twentieth century and continuing until the late 1940s, political incumbency took a downturn. The Democratic party institutionalized the White Primary during this period, the legislature enacted the poll tax, and demographic shifts occurred that diluted the majority advantage held by Tejanos in South and extreme West Texas. The nineteenth-century bosses who had compensated Mexican voters with patronage suffered setbacks from the Progressive challenge and were removed from power during the teens. Some Mexican-American politicians in the ranch counties of South Texas-Webb, Zapata, Starr, and Duval-did manage to retain their positions, however.

In the post-World War II years, Anglo political reformers solicited Mexican-American cooperation in efforts to establish improved business climates in the cities. Due to a more tolerant atmosphere and political resurgence in the barrios, Tejano politicians once more gained access to political posts; in 1956 Henry B. Gonzalez became the first Mexican American to win election to the Texas Senate in modern times. In the mid-1960s a liberal-reformist movement spread across Tejano communities, led by youths disgruntled with barriers in the way of Tejano aspirations and inspired by a farmworkers’ march in 1966. Anglo society became the object of militant attacks. Out of this Chicano movement surfaced the Raza Unida party with a plank that addressed discriminatory practices and advocated the need for newer directions in Texas politics. For a variety of reasons, this political chapter in Tejano history ended by the mid-1970s and was succeeded by more moderate politics, led by leaders wanting to forge workable coalitions with liberal Democratic allies. The 1970s and 1980s saw a dramatic rise in the number of Tejano incumbents. Federal legislation and court decisions, a more open-minded Anglo society, and the impact of the Chicano movement brought successes.

Clubs with political leanings existed throughout Texas in the nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century, although no large successful organization appeared on the scene until 1929, when activist members of a small but growing Tejano middle class founded the League of United Latin American Citizens. Though LULAC was nonpolitical, it sought to interest Texas Mexicans in politics (by sponsoring poll tax drives, for instance) and worked to change oppressive conditions by investigating cases of police brutality, complaining to civic officials and business proprietors about segregation, and working for a sound educational system. Along with the American G.I. Forum of Texas, which was founded in 1948, LULAC utilized the judicial process to effect changes favorable to Mexican Americans. During the Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s, these two organizations turned to the federal government to get money for needy Mexican-American communities in the state. Both pursued a centrist political position after the Chicano period. In 1968, civil rights lawyers founded the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund to fight for legal solutions of problems afflicting Mexican Americans. By the 1970s, MALDEF had gained distinction by winning judicial victories in the areas of diluted political rights, employment discrimination, poor educational opportunities, and inequitable school finance.

As descendants of Spaniards who brought their religion to Mexico, the majority of Texas Mexicans belong to the Catholic faith. Generally, Texas-Mexican Catholics have observed doctrine and received the sacraments by marrying in the church and having their children baptized and taught religion, though their adherence to Catholic teaching is far from complete. Recent surveys indicate that many Mexican-American Catholics view the church as a place for worship but not an institution readily responsive to personal and community needs. Close to 60 percent believe themselves to be “good Catholics.” Protestants have proselytized among Texas Mexicans with general success. Many barrios in the larger towns featured Protestant places of worship by the 1870s, and newer enclaves in the twentieth century had several “Mexican” Protestant churches. Protestant work among Mexican Americans has been constant in the twentieth century; Evangelicals, Pentecostals, and Jehovah’s Witnesses have made special efforts to convert Mexican-American Catholics. Approximately 20 percent of Mexican Americans in the United States belong to Protestant communions.

Anglo-American society in the nineteenth century did not concern itself over the education of Texas-Mexican children, since farmers and ranchers had little need for a literate working class. Where public schooling might exist, however, Tejano families urged their children to attend. Those who could afford it, on the other hand, enrolled their youngsters in private religious academies and even in colleges. Select communities established local institutions with a curriculum designed to preserve the values and heritage of Mexico. Not until the 1920s did government take a serious interest in upgrading education for Tejanitos, but even then, society provided inferior facilities for them. Texas-Mexican children ordinarily attended “Mexican schools” and were discouraged from furthering their education past the sixth grade. Attendance in these schools, however, did have the effect of socializing and Americanizing an increased number of young folks whose parents were either foreign-born or unacculturated. Though Texas Mexicans had protested educational inequalities since the second decade of the century, it was not until the 1930s that they undertook systematic drives against them-namely as members of LULAC, but also through local organizations such as the Liga Pro-Defensa Escolar (School Improvement Leagueqv) in San Antonio. Before World War II, however, the educational record for Tejanos proved dismal, as poverty and administrative indifference discouraged many from regular attendance. The children of migrant parents, for example, received their only exposure to education when the family returned to its hometown during the winter months. After the war, the G.I. Forum joined in the struggle to improve the education of the Mexican community with the motto “Education is Our Freedom.” With LULAC, the forum campaigned to encourage parents and students to make education a priority. Both organizations also worked through the legal system and successfully persuaded the courts to desegregate some districts. During the 1950s, indeed, Tejanos witnessed slight improvement in their educational status, though this may have been partly due to the rural-to-urban transition of the time. City life meant better access to schools, better enforcement of truancy laws, and less migration if heads of families found more stable employment. The gap between Mexican-American and Anglo achievement remained wide, however, and after the 1960s, MALDEF leveled a legal assault on issues such as racial segregation and the inequitable system of dispersing public funds to school districts. Concerned parents and legislators also strove for a better-educated community by supporting such programs as Head Start and bilingual education. In more recent times, however, Mexican-American students still had the highest dropout rate of all ethnic groups. In part, this explained the fact that Mexican-American students average only ten years in school.

Within the social space of segregated neighborhoods or isolated rural settlements, Tejanos carried on cultural traditions that blended the customs of the motherland with those of the United States. They organized, for instance, an array of patriotic, recreative, or civic clubs designed to address bicultural tastes. Newspapers, either in Spanish or English, informed communities of events in both Mexico and the United States. Tejanos also developed a literary tradition. Some left small autobiographical sketches while others wrote lay histories about Tejano life. Creative writers penned narratives, short stories and poems that they submitted to community newspapers or other outlets; some were in Spanish, especially those of the nineteenth century, but works were also issued in bilingual or English form. Civic leaders compiled records of injustices or other community concerns, and academicians wrote scholarly articles or books. Among the latter may be listed Jovita González de Mireles, Carlos E. Castañeda, and George I. Sánchez,qqv who published after the 1930s. Painters, sculptors, and musicians have made some contribution to Tejano traditional arts, though not much is known of such contributions before the 1920s. During the 1930s, Octavio Medellín begin a career as a sculptor of works with pre-Columbian motifs. After World War II, Porfirio Salinas, Jr., gained popularity as a landscape artist, and during the 1960s some of his paintings hung in Lyndon B. Johnsonsqv‘s White House. More recent is José Cisneros, known for his pen-and-ink illustrations of Spanish Borderlands historical figures. The workers of Amado M. Peña, a painter from Laredo, and the sculptor Luis Jiménez of El Paso reveal a border influence but go beyond ethnicity. Numerous musicians have established legendary careers in Spanish; several Tejanos have topped the American rock ‘n roll charts, and some have earned Grammys. Folklore, much of it based on the folk beliefs of the poor in Mexico, flourished in Mexican communities in Texas. While reflecting many themes, it especially served to express feelings about abrasive confrontations between Tejanos and Anglos. Corridosqv of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, for example, criticized white society for injustices inflicted on barrio dwellers or extolled heroic figures who resisted white oppression.

In the nineteenth century, the dominant language in the barrios and rural settlements was that of Mexico, though some Tejanos also attained facility in English and thus became bilingual. Various linguistic codes characterize oral communications in present-day enclaves, however, due to continued immigration from Mexico, racial separation, and exposure to American mass culture. Some Texas Mexicans speak formal Spanish only, just as there are those who communicate strictly in formal English. More common are those Spanish speakers using English loan words as they borrow from the lexicon of mainstream society. Another form of expression, referred to as “code-switching,” involves the systematic mixing of the English and Spanish languages. Another mode of communication is caló, a “hip” code composed of innovative terminology used primarily by boys in their own groups (see PACHUCOS).

Friction has characterized relations between mainstream society and Tejanos since 1836. Mechanisms designed to maintain white supremacy, such as violence, political restrictions, prohibition from jury service, segregation, and inferior schooling caused suspicion and distrust within the Mexican community. Repatriation of Mexican citizens during the depression of the 1930s and Operation Wetback in 1954 inflicted great anguish on some of the communities touched by the drives, as Tejanos perceived them to be racially motivated. In more recent times, conflict between the two societies has persisted over such issues as immigration, the right to speak Spanish in schools, and the use of public money to support the Tejano poor. Even as Anglo-American society attempted to relegate Tejanos to second-class citizenry, Mexican Americans have sought to find their place in America. Middle-class businessmen have pursued integration into the economic mainstream, and the politically minded have worked for the involvement of Tejanos in the body politic. Such were the objectives of organizations as LULAC, the G.I. Forum, and MALDEF. Though recent immigrants wrestle with two allegiances, their children have ordinarily accepted the offerings of American life. Indeed, Texas Mexicans have proven their allegiance toward the state on numerous occasions, especially during the country’s several wars. Seldom have drives toward separatism gained support across the spectrum of the community. Probably the most prominent movement emphasizing anti-Anglo sentiments was the Chicano movement, but even its rhetoric appealed only to certain sectors of the community. In the Lone Star State, Mexican Americans stand out as one of the few groups having loyalties to the state while simultaneously retaining a binary cultural past.



Rodolfo Acuña, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos (2d ed., New York: Harper and Row, 1981). Evan Anders, Boss Rule in South Texas: The Progressive Era (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982). Carlos E. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas (7 vols., Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones, 1936–58; rpt., New York: Arno, 1976). Gilbert R. Cruz, Let There Be towns (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1988). Arnoldo De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: A History of Mexican-Americans in Houston (University of Houston Mexican American Studies Program, 1989). Arnoldo De León, San Angeleños: Mexican Americans in San Angelo, Texas (San Angelo: Fort Concho Museum Press, 1985). Arnoldo De León, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821–1900 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983). Arnoldo De León and Kenneth L. Stewart, “Tejano Demographic Patterns and Socio-economic Development,”Borderlands Journal 7 (Fall 1983). Ignacio M. Garcia, United We Win: The Rise and Fall of La Raza Unida Party (Tucson: University of Arizona Mexican American Studies Research Center, 1989). Mario T. García, Desert Immigrants: The Mexicans of El Paso, 1880–1920 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981). Mario T. Garcia, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, 1930–1960 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). Richard A. García, Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class, San Antonio, 1919–1941 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1991). Gilberto Miguel Hinojosa, A Borderlands Town in Transition: Laredo, 1755–1870 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1983). Jack Jackson, Los Mesteños: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721–1821 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1986). Oakah L. Jones, Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979). David Montejano,Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987). Manuel Peña, The Texas-Mexican Conjunto: History of a Working-Class Music (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985). Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa, eds., Tejano Origins in Eighteenth-Century San Antonio (San Antonio: Institute of Texan Cultures, 1991). Guadalupe San Miguel, Jr., “Let All of Them Take Heed”: Mexican Americans and the Campaign for Educational Equality in Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987). Edgar G. Shelton, Jr., Political Conditions among Texas Mexicans along the Rio Grande (M.A. thesis, University of Texas, 1946; San Francisco: R&E Research Associates, 1974). Jerry D. Thompson, Warm Weather and Bad Whiskey: The 1886 Laredo Election Riot (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991). W. H. Timmons, “The El Paso Area in the Mexican Period, 1821–1848,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 84 (July 1980). Emilio Zamora, Mexican Labor Activity in South Texas, 1900–1920 (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1983).

Time for the flood – we need your help

It’s high time we start flooding the politicians, with emails, phone calls, and letters.  Not only can you ask them to support the Spanish Land Grant Heirs, but also join us in the fight.

They get paid off of the taxpayer money, it’s time they start supporting our efforts to win our rightful inheritances.

Here is an example letter you can send them, or email or phone them:

We are a growing network that reaches out to the 4.5 million Hispanic / Latino voters in the State of Texas. We are actively fighting for Hispanic rights. Our largest project is the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

You may be getting letters asking if you support us for upcoming legislation. We want to ask you to take it one step further and join us.

We have a premium plan for “friends” people who are our friends and support our cause. With it , you get a free Professional membership, plus a email digest of news of current events, activism, causes, and more. Join using this link:

In addition for your decision to join us as our friend, we will list you as a public Elected Official supporter (if you are listed because of your votes for our causes, this will secure your listing).

Thanks again for your support. We also welcome an interview, by phone or video chat, would you be interested?

02/08/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Premium members – what’s this?

We are in a bit of a financial crisis,  for the past 30 days we have not had any donations or paid members, but we have a few new followers each day, but they are free followers / subscribers.  We are not here to make money, but we must stay afloat so we can continue the causes.

We are upin the anti with a plan our staff decided to bring this network to more stability, so we can provide you with more news, updates, resources, and use the excess (beyond our budget – see our financial statement) to help fight for litigation (this of course will be donated to the lead attorney for our cause).

The plans are very nice and here is how you can help,

If your not a paid member, please select a plan 

Join Now

There are many affordable plans, or you can make a one time donation 


You can share the network with many types of people, they will get additional benefits beyond the pro member, including,  % off products, special invites, sponsor listing, free gifts, gift cards, free books, print/reproduction, photo book, wall art and more.

We narrowed the premium plans into 7 types,  sometimes a person might fit into more than one of these categories, we ask them to decide how much that want to support us with.

1. A Friend is someone with our interests who are working together with us , or supporting us, this also could mean legal, politician’s etc.   Here a sample email, letter or phone script you can use to get them involved:

We are a growing network that reaches out to the 4.5 million Hispanic / Latino voters in the State of Texas. We are actively fighting for Hispanic rights. Our largest project is the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

You may be getting letters asking if you support us. We want to ask you to take it one step further and join us.

We have a premium plan for “friends” people who are our friends and support our cause. With it , you get a free Professional membership, plus a email digest of news of current events, activism, causes, and more. Join using this link:

In addition for your decision to join us as our friend, we will list you as a public Elected Official supporter (if you are listed because of your votes for our causes, this will secure your listing).

Thanks again for your support. We also welcome an interview, by phone or video chat, would you be interested?

2. Contributor is someone who contributes information, articles, news, historians, legal experts and more.

3.  4. & 5.  Sponsor is a person, organization or company who would like to sponsor our project. These individuals maybe celebrities, or businesses who want to us succeed.  (don’t forget we have many sponsor related fundraising and other ideas click here and here)

6. VIP is a person who wishes to have special privileges for their support of this network.

7. We have a lifetime membership, which gives them exclusive access to everything on the network.

We compared our prices with other projects of such magnitude and feel we are fair.  We also recognize the power of this in  fundraising not only for this network but also litigation.

Please spread the word with your family, friends, colleagues and constituents.  Together we will win.

It’s up to you – no one is going to do it for you – time to build a battle chest

My colleagues and I were discussing things like activism, elections, why people don’t even register to vote or get active in other ways. So we started asking questions why some are passive rather than active, and how to get them energized. Are you active and energized, a sleeping giant who was awakened?

One of the people we interviewed believes he will make no difference, but he doesn’t realize its the power of numbers when voting or being active.

A college girl said this
“Its up to you, No one is going to do it t you
You can’t change something by merely talking about it
You have to get involved and do something
Because at the end of the day those who got active either for or against us win”

This really drives our point home.   Who do you want making changes , the people against us? There are plenty of those people.  Or do you want the 4.5 million Texas Hispanic registered voters — plus  to make a change for our rights and freedoms?

When you think about it this way, it really does come down to you.


We just published an article how you can get more involved click here, looking forward to you joining us.

WHAT’s NEXT? Time to fulfill state’s land-grant promise

We think it is time for the state to fulfill it’s land grant promises from years ago don’t you ?


Some people think that the money should go to the schools and university’s, like Texas A&M, part of a PUF (permanent university fund). PUF earnings were directed into a newly created Available University Fund (AUF) which in turn were then distributed according to the Texas Constitution and amendments.They argue, incorrectly that millions of acres are public lands, but these land owners never surrendered their rights to the land to the public. In 1883, Texas and Pacific Railroad returned 1 million acres (4,000 km2), deemed too worthless to survey, to the State Government, which turned the land over to the PUF. The They say “Today it pays out 5 percent of its $17 billion in holdings, and worth about 30 billion.  See more here.

If the state has no problem, identifying these wells, minerals and paying them out, why is this injustice still being committed to the Spanish Land Grant Heirs? We would like to know, and that is part of our mission, as well as doing anything we can to secure the payouts.

Here is what’s next..

  1. Legal – we are asking you to contact your attorney about any legal issues or case related information.
  2. Elections – Are you ready for the next election?  FEBRUARY 17, 2015 SPECIAL ELECTIONS  Day’s left:  
    There is no upcoming event in current date to show.
     there are many coming up, as we noted in our last article click here to read
    1. Also under elections, the Secretary of State contacted us and advised for our followers and members to check their local, and county governments for upcoming May elections.
    2. They also submitted a new election calendar click here to view
    3. What’s on the ballot, who’s on it ? Click here
  3. Voter registration – this is a very important issue, one that we are considering a campaign for. There are about 4 million registered Hispanic voters in the state of Texas, but many of the Latino population are not registered. We need your help in making sure everyone in your family, friends, colleagues are registered to vote for upcoming elections. Click here for registration info
  4. Voting for the right people, we need to vote the for the people who support us. We made are making a list, please see this article, you can also help, that article explains how you can call, email or write with our form letters to find out if they are serious about supporting us. Don’t forget to send us your results, that articles shows you how.
  5. Petitions – again this is a major arsenal we have, we need to show them we have more than 25,000 strong, we are slowly making progress but not fast enough.  If each person would tell 6 people and those people 6 people and so on, we will have a million after the 6th time around. Click here for our petition information.
  6. Unity – it is critically important we have a battle field ready of awakened sleeping giants unified.  Click here to learn how you can help

Do you want to do more? Please see our section called activism, and get involved sections for lots of ways you can get involved.

GOP Hopefuls Eyeing the Texas Hispanic Vote but Rick Perry probably won’t be getting much of the 26 Million Hispanic Votes!

GOP Hopefuls Eyeing the Texas Hispanic Vote but Rick Perry probably won’t be getting much of the 26 Million Hispanic Votes

Rand Paul, Ted Cruz, Rick Perry, Jeb Bush

AP –  The last Texas Republican to occupy the Oval Office, George W. Bush, took 49 percent of the state’s Hispanic vote in his 2004 presidential re-election, setting a relatively high bar for the handful of Texas-born or -raised Republicans who might be hoping to follow in his footsteps in 2016.

Republican presidential aspirants with ties to the Lone Star State must figure out how to hold the GOP base and attract conservative Hispanics if they want to be successful in Texas, political observers say.

So how do the party’s four most prominent Texas affiliated might-be candidates — former Gov. Rick Perry; Jeb Bush, the son and brother of two former presidents from the state; Texas’ junior U.S. senator, Ted Cruz; and U.S. Sen. Rand Paul of Kentucky — stack up in the early going?

For Republicans to avoid a repeat of 2012, when presidential nominee Mitt Romney took only 27 percent of the Hispanic vote nationwide, they need to nominate a conservative candidate who can go into Hispanic communities and truly connect with voters, said Hector De Leon, co-chairman of the website." href="">Associated Republicans of Texas, which reaches out to Hispanic voters.

“It’s all about paying attention,” De Leon said.

Hispanics made up 10 percent of the national electorate in the 2012 presidential election. But in Texas, they make up almost one-third of eligible voters. And there’s plenty room for improvement when it comes to voter turnout. Only 39 percent of Texas Hispanics eligible to vote cast ballots in 2012.

Political observers say candidates would be right to take a page out of George W. Bush’s playbook on Hispanic outreach. He solidified his winning record with Hispanics with help from Latino-media guru Lionel Sosa, who told The Texas Tribune he has been in talks with Jeb Bush about his possible presidential bid.

Sosa helped George W. Bush’s campaign craft several television ads that painted him as the candidate who understood Hispanic culture. The candidate who can mobilize on-the-fence Hispanic voters who usually do not turn out to vote could win the state.

“I do think the primaries will include a concerted effort by some candidates to speak to that constituency,” said Sylvia Manzano, a senior analyst for the nonpartisan political polling organization Latino Decisions. “In Texas, that’s 10 million people. That’s a number that cannot be ignored.”

Though it’s still early in the game, many political observers say Jeb Bush is best positioned at the moment. He grew up in Midland, spent much of his childhood in Houston and is considered friendly to the Hispanic community, both personally and politically.

“Jeb Bush is not going to come in and play mariachi politics,” Manzano said. “He knows better than that.”

But this far out, all is speculation. As the candidates tiptoe toward the starting gate, here’s how several political experts handicap the field.


Already holding a political advantage because he is fluent in Spanish, the former Florida governor has experience winning over Hispanics in a state where they make up a large part of the population. During his 1998 re-election campaign, Bush won an impressive 61 percent of Florida’s Hispanic electorate. It’s worth noting, though, that Florida’s mostly Cuban Hispanic population differs from Texas, where a majority of Hispanics have roots in Mexico.

What the experts say:

For Bush, reaching out to Texas Hispanics would be an extended family affair. Aside from benefiting from the groundwork his family has done in the state, expect to see Bush campaigning with his Mexican-born wife, Columba, and his son, Texas Land Commissioner George P. Bush, at his side. George P. is also fluent in Spanish and helped found Hispanic Republicans of Texas, a political group that recruits and supports Hispanic Republicans running for public office.

Bush’s record on issues that resonate with Texas Hispanics, particularly immigration reform, could prove attractive to this voting group. He has urged Congress to pass immigration reform and has highlighted it as a key issue in helping Republicans win Hispanics. He also gained national attention last year when he said many of those entering the country illegally do so out of an “act of love” for their families.


As the state’s longest-serving governor, Perry has long courted Texas Hispanics. He has steadily improved his standing since winning only 13 percent of the Hispanic vote when he defeated Hispanic businessman Tony Sanchez of Laredo in 2002. By the time he was re-elected in 2010, Perry pulled in 38 percent of Hispanic voters.

What the experts say:

Perry’s efforts to broaden his appeal were buoyed by the passage of the Texas Dream Act during his 14-year tenure. Though the future of the law granting in-state tuition to some undocumented immigrants is unclear, Perry has stood by it both on the national stage and at home. During a 2011 presidential debate, Perry famously told opponents who challenged his support of the law that they had no heart. More recently, as the state’s new GOP leadership works to overturn the law, Perry has been vocal about his continued support for it.

Because he presided over the state’s economic boom in the last decade, Perry has a unique opportunity to appeal to Hispanics on economic issues. If Perry can convince Hispanic voters that they benefited from the so-called Texas Miracle, he may be able to sway some on-the-fence voters his way. However, Perry for years is suspected been paid off by the big oil industries and is allegedly under investigation from the FBI for this corruption, and has other Federal charges pending, which he has spent taxpayers money on, and campaign donations. He also has been accused of spending billions of the Hispanic Land Grant descendants money and misappropriated it.  Depending on how the outcome of these charges come out, this could be detrimental for his support of the 26 Million Hispanic Voters.


Though he is the only Hispanic in the group — and the first Hispanic senator from Texas — Cruz has largely avoided making heritage part of his political persona beyond recounting his father’s journey to the United States from Cuban as an exile in 1957. Still, he has done well with Texas Hispanics. In 2012, he outperformed Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney, taking 35 percent of the Hispanic vote, according to a Latino Decisions poll.

What the experts say:

Cruz arguably faces the toughest challenge courting Texas Hispanics given his divisive tone on immigration and health care. He has been vocal in his opposition to President Obama’s executive order on immigration, which will grant millions of undocumented immigrants work permits and reprieve from deportation proceedings. The order is widely popular among Hispanics. On health care, Cruz has been one of the biggest foes of the federal Affordable Care Act. Texas Hispanics — who make up a large portion of the state’s uninsured population — overwhelmingly support the health law.


Though Paul was elected to the Senate from Kentucky, where Hispanics make up only 3 percent of the population, he grew up in Lake Jackson, Texas, where Hispanics are one-fifth of the population. Paul has spent the last few months preaching a message of Hispanic inclusion within the Republican ranks.

What the experts say:

Paul is someone to watch in the upcoming election when it comes to appealing to Texas Hispanics because of his views on growing the GOP’s number of Hispanic supporters. Because he is largely unknown among Texas Hispanics, Paul also has some room to improve his standing. A November 2014 poll by Latino Decisions found that almost a third of Texas Latino voters have no opinion of Paul.


This is the first of a  series on Hispanic / Latino activists.  We hope this will inspire many to remain active, or to unify, and especially get involved more in our network.


RAZA UNIDA PARTY. The Raza Unida Party was established on January 17, 1970, at a meeting of 300 Mexican Americans at Campestre Hall in Crystal City, Texas. José Ángel Gutiérrez and Mario Compean, who had helped found MAYO (the Mexican American Youth Organizationqv) in 1967, were two of its principal organizers. In December 1969, at the first and only national MAYO meeting, Chicano activists had endorsed the formation of a third party, an idea that Gutiérrez had proposed in establishing MAYO. After RUP filed for party status in Zavala, La Salle, and Dimmit counties in January 1970, it began its eight-year quest to bring greater economic, social, and political self-determination to Mexican Americans in the state, especially in South Texas, where they held little or no power in many local or county jurisdictions although they were often in the majority. Membership in the party was open to anyone who was committed to RUP’s goals. The party fielded candidates for nonpartisan city council and school board races the following April in Crystal City, Cotulla, and Carrizo Springs and won a total of fifteen seats, including two city council majorities, two school board majorities, and two mayoralties. In October 1971, RUP held its state convention in San Antonio and voted to organize at the state level over the objections of Gutiérrez, who believed that the party should strengthen its rural standing rather than expend its energy on a state party. Compean rallied enough support for a state organization on the grounds that it would give a boost to the Chicano movement in Texas and repeat the success it had attained in Crystal City throughout Texas.

With the state party apparatus in place, RUP sought a candidate for the 1972 gubernatorial election, first calling upon such well-known Democrats as state senator Carlos Truán, Hector García (founder of the American G.I. Forumqv), and state senator Joe Bernal. All refused to run for the position. The party finally found a candidate in Ramsey Muñiz, a lawyer and administrator with the Waco Model Cities Program. Alma Canales of Edinburg, who had been a farmworker and journalism student at Pan American University, became the RUP candidate for lieutenant governor, although at twenty-four she was too young to take the office constitutionally. Her presence on the RUP slate was considered a sign that women had a crucial role in the party. Although they seemed an unusual match, the two resembled many of the RUP rank and file, who were young and university educated. Like others in the party, they had also been members of MAYO. Besides Muñiz and Canales, RUP ran candidates for nine other state offices, including member of the Railroad Commission, state treasurer, and member of the State Board of Education. RUP candidates also ran for local posts in Hidalgo, Starr, Victoria, McLennan, and other counties.

The party, which had spread to many other states, held its first national conference in El Paso on September 1–4, 1972. About half of the estimated 1,500 participants were women, and a large number of elderly people also attended. The delegates formed the Congreso de Aztlán to run the national party and elected Gutiérrez as RUP national chairman. Despite his standing as the party’s chief political candidate, Muñiz was not much heeded. As a result, he left the gathering early to campaign in the governor’s race. The RUP platform that Muñiz put before voters, while emphasizing Mexican-American community control, bilingual education, and women’s and workers’ rights, bore similarity to the values espoused by the liberal faction of the state Democratic party, which supported Frances (Sissy) Farenthold for the party’s gubernatorial nomination. In spite of this, Muñiz did not receive strong support from liberals. Ultimately, even Farenthold endorsed Dolph Briscoe, to whom she had lost the nomination, although she had once referred to him as “a bowl of pablum.” Muñiz won 6 percent (214,149) of the votes in the November election, thus reducing Briscoe’s margin of victory so that the race was the first in the twentieth century in which a Texas governor was elected with less than a majority. Muñiz won heavily in some South Texas counties and had a decent turnout in large cities. Over the next two years RUP solidified its South Texas rural base and racked up more nonpartisan victories in the Winter Garden Region. It also achieved political successes in Kyle and Lockhart. Its urban support, though quite strong among university activists and barrio youth and politicians, remained small. This ultimately hurt the party’s future, since many Hispanics lived in the state’s major urban areas and their support of RUP was necessary for the party to have a larger political impact.

In 1974, RUP was ready for another try at the governor’s race, with Muñiz once again its candidate. The party also ran a slate of fourteen men and two women for state representative from Lubbock, Houston, San Antonio, Austin, Falfurrias, Crystal City, and other cities. As in the 1972 election, the RUP campaign literature emphasized the party’s Chicano foundation; but it also asserted a desire to “ensure democracy for [the] many, not the few” and the need to preserve “human and natural resources.” In addition, it called for the prosecution of industrial polluters. In his announcement for the governor’s race on January 16, 1974, Muñiz sought to maximize the party’s appeal to a broader spectrum of the state’s voters, stressing RUP’s ideas for new modes of transportation, improved funding of public education, better medical care, and solutions to urban problems. But RUP did not fare well in the 1974 general election. Muñiz got only 190,000 votes and posed no real threat to Briscoe’s reelection. In addition, none of the sixteen candidates for the state House garnered enough support to win. The party’s sole real victories were in Crystal City, where cofounder Gutiérrez was elected as Zavala county judge and the party successfully defended its dominance of other county offices. Nonetheless, by its numerous victories in South Texas, RUP had achieved Mexican-American political dominance in some cities and altered the state’s political life. Several Mexican-American women were significant participants at the state and national level. Evey Chapa, for instance, ensured that RUP’s state executive committee provide for a female member; Virginia Múzquiz headed the RUP nationally from 1972 to 1974; and María Elena Martínez served as the last head of the party in Texas from 1976 to 1978. Likewise, Evey Chapa, Ino Alvárez, and Martha Cotera have been credited with organizing Mujeres Por La Raza, the women’s caucus within RUP.

In the four years after the 1974 election, RUP’s fortunes diminished, with activism slowing except in some enclaves in South Texas. Even in Crystal City, its bedrock, RUP lost control in 1977. The party also suffered losses in its membership, and some of its original leaders, including Willie Velásquezqv, allied themselves with new political initiatives, such as the Mexican American Democrats. Perhaps two of the biggest blows to party morale were the arrests in July and November 1976 of former RUP gubernatorial candidate Ramsey Muñiz on drug charges. He pled guilty to one count and was sentenced to fifteen years. The party was considerably weakened as it entered the final and fatal 1978 election, when RUP gubernatorial candidate Mario Compean won only 15,000 votes. At the election-day fiasco in 1978, RUP lost state funds for its primary and was effectively eliminated as a party. Some historians have stated that RUP, with its various successes and failures, came at the right moment in Mexican-American history in the state. Writing in 1978 in The Tejano Yearbook: 1519–1978, Philip Ortega y Gasca and Arnoldo De León noted that the establishment of RUP in the 1930s would have been “premature” because violence was still a common response to Texas Mexicans’ political ambitions. Nevertheless, the authors also argue that RUP was neither a new phenomenon nor a “radical” one but a continuation of Tejano political initiatives. Nineteenth-century Tejanos had formed various movements, such as Botas and Guaraches and special benevolent associations, to defend their interests. RUP was intended to do the same for Mexican Americans in the 1970s.


Ignacio M. Garcia, United We Win: The Rise and Fall of La Raza Unida Party (Tucson: University of Arizona Mexican American Studies Research Center, 1989). José Ángel Gutiérrez Papers, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin. Raza Unida Party Collection, Benson Latin American Collection, University of Texas at Austin.




#onevoiceunited – Unifying all groups, families, heirs for one common purpose

In this Historic Moment, we are laying our differences aside,

to fight for our rights

#onevoiceunited #wewillnotbesilent #westandunited


We want to activate and unite the 25,000 plus Spanish land grant heirs,

families, groups, descendants and Hispanics to join us in our million +

march and cause, we can do this, we will prevail, we are determined!

There are over 4 million eligible Hispanic voters in Texas that can join

our cause and fight for Hispanic rights.

Here is how we can do this:  First read this click here

1) Every heirs group leader, join this network click here

a) Each group leader will follow all news on their attorneys website click here
b) Each group leader  will be able to provide information/news for their group here on this network
c) Each group leader will work unifying their families, descendants, for one cause through multiplication
d) Each group leader will subscribe to this network’s emails click here
e) Each group’s members, family, descendants,  can also subscribe, like, follow and join out network

2) Each group leader will pick a unity coordinator, who will join this network:

 a) Each unity coordinator will help coordinate:

1) Any Hispanic / Latino eligible voter register to vote
2) Join this network
3) Sign petitions and help with election campaigns
4) Be ready for any demonstrations
5) Get involved , and promote
6)Get other family members, descendants,  to subscribe, like, follow and join out network

3) Heirs, descendants, families, Hispanics / Latinos , all of united will:

a) Listen for direction from our lead attorneys Mrs. Fowler and the Federal Attorneys (click here for their news)
b) Subscribe to this network’s emails click here
c) Get involved, promote, sign petitions, help with elections,
d) Join this network to help us maintain
e) Get other family members, descendants,  to subscribe, like, follow and join out network
f) Donate to the causes
1) Heirs Group for litigation and legislation click here
2) This network to keep it funded and going
* note this network needs about 25% to operate as long as members are continuing to join, and donating ,
the other 75% should be directed to the Heirs Group for the Texas Spanish land grant projects

4) As this cause grows in this #onevoiceunited  unity campaign,

we will have other projects, and direct them to these tags click here

for all the #onevoiceunited tags


Any new developments will also be updated in our

news and this cause, share your comments and ideas .

01/06/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Simple ideas how you can get involved.

Many people are asking how they can get involved, since we are posting so much information on getting involved. This is a simplified version. We know that sometimes people are overwhelmed with information, so we are presenting it is different ways so people can understand how they can get involved.  We can also help expand on how to do different types of volunteer events/ideas.


Here are some specific ideas from our forms:




membership drive: you may say I dont’ know how to do that?  You can google how do start a membership drive, and an easy way is to email, call, talk, social share and recommend our site.

letter writing/email writing:  under our causes link about upcoming elections, there is a sample letter to send out to elected officials or running candidates, download it for free and get started;  when you get responses it will be important for us to know who is intending on supporting us, keep records of their name, email, and phone in a file (give them about 4 weeks to reply), then you can submit a post including that information all together. Even if you don’t get a reply, it notifies them our intentions, and eventually we will start getting some support. (you can also make phone calls).

petition drive: under our causes link is a petition campaign, share the link in that post with everyone you know this is one not even listed, but if you can engage more voters on our side, have them sign the petition and register to vote, have them look at the list of supporters (under our info section) when they vote. Before an election we will publish an official list

demonstration:  some people want to do this peacefully, we can help you by providing downloadable printable media, submit a story or your volunteer submission, if you need help we will help guide you in the right direction

there are many other ways you can do things, if you need some direction about an area of interest please email us.

Get Involved Campaign:

Download the forms and look at ideas how to get involved or make fundraisers


This is simple, when you download the form you will see what we mean.  It gives you ideas for gathering supporters, fundraisers, events.  Most of these ideas, will require some creativity. For example, maybe you want to include within the fund raiser, some pr (promotional marketing), so you print some flyers about our campaign.  

As we grow we will provide you with more flyers that can help your efforts. Getting local or national celebrities behind our cause will also help. Do you know any Latino / Hispanic celebs that you think might want to get involved, give them the information sheet.  Once they contact us we will add them under our supporter list, maybe they will do an event, a concert or meeting talking about the cause. All of this helps our PR, and lets the State of Texas know we mean business!

Volunteer Submission Form

Look at the volunteer submission form, has some ideas, once you find some things you can do, just register each thing individually with us, so we can keep track of it.



Also you can help promote or get involved in our active causes, we will always add causes, and anything you can do to help the causes is appreciated.



Following our events help you know what is coming up and maybe you have ideas how to get involved with the events



You can submit your skills, maybe when you do so, you will think of something you can contribute, or someone else that can


More information

All of our get involved information / posts are located at this link:

Site navigation:

Thanks for supporting VOC together we will make change!

Houston’s suburban Hispanic enclave becomes next battleground on voting rights

Fox News Latino

When the movie “Urban Cowboy” made this refinery town famous in 1980, the honkytonk Gilley’s was booming and wannabe cowpokes from the white Houston suburbs flocked here to drink and dance. Houston was the big city, but Pasadena was for kicks.

Today Pasadena is a mostly working-class Hispanic suburb that looks as hard-ridden in some pockets as the mechanical bull that bucked John Travolta. Gilley’s burned down years ago. Now a federal lawsuit accuses the town’s white councilmembers of leading a discriminatory plan to turn back the clock.

Pasadena is preparing to change the makeup of its city council in a way that city fathers hope fosters new development, but that some Hispanics allege dilutes their influence. The case could become a test of the Supreme Court ruling last year that struck down most of the federal Voting Rights Act, giving cities in many Southern states new latitude to change election laws affecting minorities without first getting federal approval.

“Clearly it was racism,” said Pasadena Councilman Ornaldo Ybarra, one of two Hispanics on Pasadena’s eight-member council, about the town’s planned council changes. The campaign for a new voting system “was meant to scare Anglos, and it was effective,” he said.

In Pasadena, which is roughly 60 percent Hispanic, voters approved a referendum that replaces two city council seats representing districts with at-large seats, which Hispanic leaders say will negate their growing population numbers. The new format was proposed by the mayor, who is white, in July 2013, one month after the high court decision.

The mayor and supporters insist the new format will bring more participation by all Pasadena residents because they’ll have more to vote for. They note that other cities, including Houston, have at-large council members.

The change comes as city leaders are pressing for more investment to boost the local economy. Supporters say at-large council members are more likely to consider a city’s larger interests than the concerns of individual districts.

Since its Gilley’s heyday, Pasadena’s cachet has gradually been swallowed by newer, more affluent suburbs. Well-paid refinery hands and white-collar downtown commuters moved away, and whites are now mostly concentrated in Pasadena’s south side. Gilley’s old address is now a used-car lot. Even the ground under the aging city hall building is sinking.

To turn things around, the mayor and allies are angling for new entertainment district that could include a dance hall on the south side. The council could move forward on the idea after the new voting system takes effect following elections in May.

But Ybarra and some other residents say they fear the projects will cost money needed for improving services in the city’s low-income neighborhoods.

“If it doesn’t work out, then the city is left with a vacant building. The city is already full of vacant buildings,” said Jennifer Halvorson, 40, a lifelong Pasadena resident, about the prospects of another dance hall.

Mayor Johnny Isbell declined to discuss the lawsuit. But Pat Riley, a former mayor pro-tem, said the change in council seats won’t prevent Hispanic residents from making their wishes known.


Read the rest of the story



SUPPLEMENT #4  hashtag #whitepaperhb724

DATED JULY 21, 2014 


March 21, 2014/April 25, 2014





At the meeting of June 27, 2014, the commission formed a committee to write a draft of the final report,

required by the HB724 legislation, to be presented at their next meeting on September 12, 2014. Apparently,

the commission intends to make this their final meeting. It is inconceivable how any credible report can be

issued when members have failed to conduct a single amount of independent research. The commission has

been hostile and argumentative to the land grantee descendants and their representatives who have provided

important information. It is the responsible role of the commission to investigate facts to corroborate testimony,

or nullify it, with a conscientious review of information that can be easily obtained from state agencies as

authorized by HB724. The commission has no excuse or sensible reason for a perfunctory function of such

an important and substantive task. The commission has completely declined to utilize the tools made available

by legislation.


What is more disconcerting is that the commission left out Mr. Al Cisneros from the report writing

committee, the only advocate we have on the commission. The descendants were allotted two other advocates

on the commission but instead the process was subverted and two other members were chosen who have

proven themselves to be inimical to the interests of the heirs. The whole purpose of the commission seems

to deliberately make the claimants look ridiculous and to block their efforts. In fact, just the opposite has

happened. By the sloppy and malicious work of the commission our base has been energized. We do

not intend to fail to obtain the rights due every Texas citizen and we will ultimately prevail. We are at the

point of no return and as one speaker said on June 27th, “we are here and we are not going away.”


It is an unfortunate characteristic of Hispanics that they fail to unite on many issues to improve their lot

and instead drag themselves down with petty bickering, internecine warfare, and jealousies. The public saw

a classic example of this when the commission allowed a disgruntled client (well he was never a paid client,

all he wanted was something for free, but he never got he did not want to pay, he wanted Mrs. Fowler to do

all the work and show him how, so he could finish it himself, and so he became angry) of Mrs. Eileen McKenzie Fowler

to insult her repeatedly wasting everyone’s valuable time. Any man who would consider himself a gentleman

would never attack a woman, publicly or privately, especially in such a vicious manner. I was remorseful,

embarrassed, and ashamed that I did not interrupt the meeting to call out that this vengeful man, with his

invective’s, was out of order. However, every man in the room from the commission members to the

participants was diminished in this humiliating process.

The chairman of the commission stated at the first meeting in January that the grievances would not

be permitted in testimony. Yet the attacker was given the floor for over an hour. It was a low point in the

deliberations of this commission and it is a black eye to all the honorable people working on this very

important and historical matter. It took a courageous nonhispanic lady lawyer to bring our fractious group together

with the added advantage of forming a voting bloc of 15,000 TO 20,000 eligible voters. This is the American

way to obtain results and we will vote public officials out of office in the future who fail to represent all the

people instead of the privileged few who need no protection.


If it is the intent of the commission to whitewash this matter, first of all, it will be held, for sure, in

contempt of the legislature which voted almost unanimously for passage of HB724.


Page -2- Supplement # 4 


July 21, 2014


Secondly, it will be considered a profound blemish on the professional and personal reputations of the

commission members. Such a disastrous situation should be avoided at all costs. No one should be hurt

in the process of authorizing claims as those monies do not belong to anyone but the rightful owners of

unclaimed mineral production from wells located in ancestral properties of the descendants. As previously

stated in my testimony everyone gains by managing oil and gas revenues properly and in accordance with

the law.


The Commission also invoked, on June 27th, the case of Hs. That is incorrect, as the case only confirms that the state has the

right to keep all interest earnings on the unclaimed minerals principal dollars. Yet the state fails to set up a

legal trust fund for unclaimed minerals and is losing millions of dollars in Interest earnings by indiscriminately

spending the money outright. The millions could be used to fund more auditor positions for the comptroller

and improve the oversight of oil and gas companies and county registries to insure that all monies owed

the state find their way to Austin coffers. The direct spending of unclaimed minerals revenues is illegal

and must stop. Supplement # 1 to my White Paper details the establishment of a trust fund that benefits

all, allowing the state to borrow the principal by legislative approval to fund other state needs.


I urge the commission to reconsider their perilous course. If all the previous testimony and documents

are to be disregarded, the commission can examine carefully the legal basis for our claims as stated in

excellent fashion by Mrs. Fowler in her “Response to Memorandum” presented to this body on June 27, 2014,

dated June 25, 2014. The subject was “The (Fowler) Descendants’ Response to Memorandum on

“Legal Issues related to the ownership of minerals in Texas” submitted to the Commission by Commissioners

Trace BurtonDonato Ramos Jr. and Jaime Rangel.” In her memo is the complete justification for the state

to accept our claims.


The Commission’s work does not expire until June 1, 2015. There is much work to be done for a

proper and legal outcome and I respectfully request that the commission reconsider their aimless course

and work hand in glove with the legislature and the land grantee descendants for an honorable and

forthright solution to the distribution of unclaimed mineral proceeds.


George Farias

July 21, 2014


Author George Farías blogged and used by permission  

Please note: these are Mr. Farias' personal presentations to the HB724 commission as a descendant/heir and do not reflect the opinions of anyone else. They are a matter of public record.
Photo Credit: Source: the Voice of Change Network Copyright 2014 All Rights Reserved

Please stay tuned for the next part of this white paper or see the hastag #whitepaperhb724 for all articles in this series



INTRODUCTION hashtag #whitepaperhb724


March 21, 2014  PART 1   



Click on the topic for the link, please note some supplements are scheduled for publication in the next few days















TVOC Inserted Note: Please note we are breaking this supplement up into parts for easier understanding.  

Please note: these are Mr. Farias' personal presentations to the HB724 commission as a descendant/heir and do not reflect the opinions of anyone else. They are a matter of public record. 

Please note on Page 1 about acceptable forms of proof for deceased descendants we highlighted in Red. Interestingly the State is not accepting proof heirship from the heirs. This is the point of why HB724 was created to help us get the funds, they are withholding. 

Also you will see some boxes of information like this box, we have decided to break this article up in subtopics for easy digest. They are not part of the original document, they are notes to identify subtopics in the white paper.




The work and mission of the HB724 Unclaimed Mineral Proceeds Commission appear to be complex,

but in reality they are simple and attainable. Some general comments are provided first and then a

specific approach is outlined to comply with the mandates contained in House Bill 724 to study

unclaimed land grant mineral proceeds.


The descendants of Spanish and Mexican land grants in South Texas maintain that  Common Law, 

i.e. Texas Property Law, enacted in 1840, authorizes and gives them the right to file claims against 

mineral proceeds from unclaimed oil and gas wells whose owners have never been found, which 

are located in the respective land grants awarded their ancestors.


The most important conclusion for the commission to reach is a major legal one, confirming and 

validating that these descendants do have a claim to those minerals under present law as written, 

that is, that it is intrinsic in the law.  For the commission to reach this consensus may require an

independent interpretation of the law because the law  neither specifically authorizes this right, referring

to  “unknown heirs,” who now have become “known” by virtue of a declaratory judgment in state district

court, nor does it specifically deny it. In a simplistic viewpoint, if the law does not prohibit something then

it must be legal.  To be realistic, the validation of the law might require an official interpretation.



It is interesting to note the following statement in the state comptroller’s websiteWindow on State 

Government,   “Unclaimed Property and Mineral Proceeds,” Item (6) states, “If the owner is 

deceased, you can provide the Unclaimed Property Division with documentation proving you 

are an heir of the reported owner. Such documentation includes copies of wills, or, if there 

is no will, a notarized  Affidavit of Heirship is required for claims of less than $10,000 or less.  

Claims that exceed $10,000 require a court’s Determination of Heirship or a Small Estates 

Affidavit of Heirship, both of which require a judge’s signature.” (see Attachment A). 

No doubt, the declaratory judgment meets this requirement. 

TVOC Inserted Note: See   

This statement by the state comptroller indicates that her office has accepted formal legal heirship 

documents to pay claims for unclaimed mineral proceeds. If so, a precedent has been established. 

A review of payments by the comptroller for claims using legal heirship documents should confirm 

the claims of descendants of Spanish and Mexican land grants.


Payment of such claims by the comptroller need not necessarily have been made to these 

descendants but might have been paid to other Texas citizens. For example, a person in the 

Permian Basin might have found out his great grandfather sold the land but not the minerals, 

left no will, and never formally passed title to his descendants.  With heirship court documents, 

the person could claim his or her rights. It also seems very possible that a review of case law 

would discover legal challenges ruled in favor of the heirs.



Since this is a state matter the Texas Attorney General is the person to provide an opinion, which normally

takes six months to promulgate. I recommend that one or two lawyers from the attorney general’s office be

assigned to the commission to obtain this opinion and as liaison personnel to assist in expediting the legal

opinion process. This assignment of staff is in keeping with Section 2(h) of HB724 that states,

“On the commission’s request, the comptroller, or any other state agency,

department, or office shall provide any assistance this commission needs to perform the commission’s

duties.” These lawyers can also help scrutinize the related points of law for an opinion.  The other legal points

to be clarified  include laws about transference of mineral rights when the contract is silent, current statutes of

limitations, if any, the transference of minerals to owners under the Texas Constitution of 1866, the fiduciary

responsibility of the state for unclaimed funds and its rights to interest on those funds (but not the principal),

etc.  It is not the job of the commission to do homework. That is the responsibility of staff. The idea of a

subcommittee to do limited study is a sound one, which I refer to as an executive committee if it includes

the chairman.


One of the other legal points bears clarification. It has been stated that prior to 1866 Texas landowners did

not own the mineral interests on the land, but many of the families of the original grantee were living on the

land. However, Appendix III of the New Guide to Spanish and Mexican Land Grants in South Texas, Texas

General land Office, 2009, “Sal del Rey” and Mineral Rights in Texas, pages 167-168, states,

“This prompted a substitute ordinance with a broad and contrary effect.

The substitute did not refer specifically to “Sal del Rey.’ Instead it proposed giving away the state’s

mineral interest to existing surface owners. The effect was retrospective.  Owners of land granted 

by the successive sovereigns   (Spain, Mexico, Republic of Texas, and the state of Texas) before 

adoption of this amendment, would be given complete ownership of the minerals on their land. “ 

(see Attachment B)



There seems to be confusion about what constitutes unclaimed mineral proceeds. I divide them into

two categories. The first I call Type One and are abandoned royalties of title holders who have 

disappeared. These proceeds come back to the oil and gas companies, and every three years they

come back to the state with an amount and name or best description. This is the fund maintained by the

Texas Comptroller’s Unclaimed Property Division mixed in with traveler’s checks, bank accounts, and

other property. The analysis of these funds indicate  that most of the persons named will never be able to

recover their property.


The other unclaimed mineral proceeds are those I categorize as Type Two, those produced from 

unclaimed wells whose owners have never been found without a name attached.  These funds

come to the state after three years such as the Type One proceeds to be kept in trust by the state.

If, as previously mentioned, the unclaimed wells have the initials of the original land grantee that

practice enforces descendants’ claims.


Oil and gas companies make extensive efforts to find rightful owners for obviously they need to

legally drill for all the benefits of current revenues and payment of royalties to lease holders. They

make exhaustive searches of county and other records. Failing there the oil and gas companies

desire to stake a claim by drilling an unclaimed well at great expense. It is an investment in the

future as they hope and pray that  rightful owners will someday come forth.



Drilling an unclaimed well requires a permit from a district judge representing the state, called a

receivership hearing. In granting the request, the judge may require the oil and gas company to

reserve 100% of the funds and pass them on to the state after three years or the


judge may require that the funds be deposited in a county bank account called a registry. If the rightful

owners show up in the future, the  oil and gas company can recoup its investment. In one case I reviewed,

the petroleum company could keep 75% and grant the owners a 25% royalty. This ratio may not be uniform.


This process raises several questionsFirst, does all the money kept initially by the drilling company 

or held by the county find its way ultimately to the state? Second, does the state monitor these wells, 

their units and dollars of production, to insure all funds are paid in? Third, what controls does the 

state have to insure that all the monies find their way to state coffers? As a former auditor, a major

part of my study was to determine if a company had what are called good internal controls. The

Texas Railroad Commission has all the records and an analysis of their data should show the

number of unclaimed wells and their units and dollars of production. From this data the state could

set up an accounts receivable for each oil company. Fourth, are the oil and gas companies 

sending in reports as required to corroborate the Texas Railroad Commission figures? If the

state is accepting the money on faith, human nature will take the path of least resistance and retain the



Fifth, do state agencies have adequate staff to perform their duties, especially now with the 

increased production from the Eagle Ford Shale and forthcoming new mineral discoveries? 

Sixth, is the state enforcing the 1985 law and are the oil and gas companies meeting their 

agreements to abide by the law?



The next important question to be raised here is to determine the amount of money that has 

been submitted to the state since 1985. The oil and gas companies and the state absolved themselves

of all liabilities before then. The law mandates that these proceeds be deposited into the General

Revenue Fund. What we do not know is what happens after that.


Does the comptroller’s unclaimed property division handle these funds or do they go directly 

to another department?  Is there  a large escrow account holding the fifty million dollars in trust 

pledged by Getty Oil and it’s forty-nine fellow plaintiffs to start a new fund, in addition to thirty-three 

years of production (since September 1, 1980 as per Compromise Settlement Agreement) or has 

the state appropriated and budgeted the funds for other state needs? If so, it questions the 

fiduciary responsibility of the state, which can be corrected currently by starting to deposit 

Type Two mineral proceeds in a trust account that is visible to all.   



The question then must arise as to why there are so many wells with no owner and no name attached.

The answer is simple. The land grantee and his or her family never sold or otherwise conveyed these

mineral interests. The possibility that someone will show up with title in hand registered in a county that

he or she is the owner of a certain unclaimed well is remote. In most cases, therefore, the descendant 

heirs maintain that the ownership is still in the estate of the land grantee, that the rights are still in 

the family, and the descendants are “de facto” owners.  Webster defines  de facto as ” in reality or

fact, serving a function without being legally or officially established, or in practice not necessarily

ordained by law.”



On July 8, 2008, my first declaratory judgment was approved by the late 229th District 

Judge Ricardo H. Garcia for the Jacinto de la Peña land grant in Zapata County.

During the proceedings Mrs. Eileen McKenzie Fowler, my attorney, asked Judge Garcia if, in his opinion, 

the heirs had a right to these unclaimed minerals. He said, “There is no doubt about it.” It is in

the record. This was one judge’s opinion but from a distinguished jurist with a long résumé. This was

encouraging to me and confirmed what we had been told by Mrs. Fowler. As she mentioned in her

prior report, this was also the opinion of Houston 157th Civil District Court Judge Felix Salazar and

her former law partner, described posthumously as a “trailblazer.” He had a major role in kicking off

our campaign. Mrs. Fowler and Judge Salazar consulted with other Houston lawyers for assistance

in designing a workable plan to bring justice long-delayed and long-denied to South Texas families.



There are some misconceptions that need clarification about our cause: 

  1. That our claim will infringe on the rights of title holders. That is incorrect as they have full
  2. legal rights and contracts with oil and gas companies, many of them generating lucrative royalties.
  3. Our HEIRS brochure on the front page states this very emphatically so that there is no misunderstanding.
  4. As previously stated, we have no claim on land as the state laws of adverse possession are clear about this.
  5. That our descendants will become wealthy by filing claims. Except for a lucky few that will not be the case

The basic formula will be based upon the amount of production and the personal percentage interest each

claimant has to the whole base of descendants of that grant. If I am one of a hundred living descendants

(called primaries), my declaratory judgment would show that I can only get 1%. If there are thousands of

descendants on my grant, my percentage goes down. I can only claim my share and no more. However,

we are claiming thirty-three years of back production and for future production,

so the sums received may be slightly more than modest. These funds would be important,

nonetheless, as many descendants are on retirement incomes or are unemployed.

6. That the state escrow funds will be compromised or depleted.

That will never happen. Oil and gas revenues are increasing and the funds will be stimulated.

More importantly, the majority of claimants , here also, will never come forward. Even though

thousands have joined our cause, there are hundreds of thousands and perhaps millions who

will never come forward.  The monies are there in perpetuity, if and when any descendant comes

forward.  Our experience is that most descendants do not know their ancestry, they have other

personal priorities, and many are simply not interested.

7. That the oil and gas companies are obligated to the heirs certified in court as

     legitimate descendants by a declaratory judgment. 

Not so. The oil and gas companies, under the law, are obligated to the state for deposits of unclaimed funds.

Their direct obligations are to title holders who have leases. Any noted problems are between them.

The state, in turn, under property law, is obligated to the descendants for payment of unclaimed minerals.

Descendants look to the State of Texas for justice.

I believe with the help of the commission a win-win situation can be achieved.

Descendants should have no adversaries in claiming their rights. The work of the commission

will guide the state to make improvements. It was correctly stated previously that it is not the commission’s

responsibility to audit or correct noted deficiencies in the state system. That is the work of state

agencies and the legislature. However, in the process of its work and hearing testimony from different

parties, the commission can make recommendations that will have substantial weight. The commission’s

ultimate work will benefit the state, the oil and gas companies, always in need of good public relations, the

title holders, and ultimately descendants who have been disenfranchised. All citizen of Texas will benefit

from the commissions deliberations and conscientious conclusions.


The HEIRS Committee under Mrs. Eileen McKenzie Fowler tried to amend the law in 2013 similar to the

HB2611 bill in 2011 spearheaded by Mr. Al Cisneros that did not pass. Representative Ryan Guillen

would not sponsor it again because he said he did not have the votes, and it would not pass. At the time

we found out that he and his staff had filed HB724. The HEIRS Committee had no input in writing the bill.

Representative Guillen said that if he sponsored a bill recommending a commission to independently

review the matter, it had a better chance of passing. At that point Mrs. Fowler’s clients mobilized to

support the bill and wrote their state representatives and senators in support. Her group of client

descendants (twenty thousand of whom perhaps twelve thousand are registered voters) is the

largest, and their letters, calls, and emails were a deciding factor in its passage. I am certain other

descendants perceived its value and advocated as well.


Mr. Al Cisneros and his colleague and friend, former Senator Hector Uribe, also had a significant

impact with their work and expert testimony getting it out of the state house of representatives committee.

There was a concerted effort in the Senate to kill the bill but was saved by District 21 Senator Judith 

Zaffirini from Laredo.  It was her skill, perseverance and long service to Texas which outmaneuvered

those bent on its destruction.


Our group also had the help of the HEIRS committee of clients headed by Mrs. Fowler,

Mrs. Rita Lopez Tice, business owner from Laredo, Mr. Miguel Alonso “Al’ Martinez,

business owner from Corpus Christi, Ms. Cecilia Gallardo Vallejo from San Antonio now

a case manager for Mrs. Fowler in La Porte, and our lobbyist Mr. Jimmy Willborn, all

descendants. Mr. Willborn was very instrumental in our success in his visits to Austin. He is

a former police officer, past president of the San Antonio Police Officers Association, and a

former Bexar County constable. He and his wife have worked tirelessly over the years in

support of legislation to benefit peace officers in their critical and dangerous work. He also

has the added distinction of having been Director of the Texas Narcotics Control Program

under former Governor Ann Richards. We are indebted also to the other sponsors of the

bill, Texas House of Representative members, Abel Herrero District 34, J.M. Lozano 

District 43, Roberto D. Alonso District 104, Philip Cortez District 117 and in the Senate

20th District Senator Juan “ Chuy” Hinojosa.


The bill passed with one nay vote in the House of Representatives and three nay votes in the Senate.

Representative Guillen called this a “landmark” bill.  It is, in my estimation, the most significant law

regarding property law and oil and gas legislation since 1985. It was a minor miracle. It is an old truism

that if you want to pass a bill In Austin, you need money and power. We had virtually no money,

but we did have power in the thousands who wrote their representatives and senators. For certain

there is some conflict and discord among the descendants regarding the progress and the avenues

being followed, but all are united in seeking the same remedy.


HB724 seems to have passed, I believe, because the legislature saw this commission as

coming into being at a very critical time. The commission’s work has higher implications

due to the revenues that are at stake with burgeoning oil and gas explorations. No doubt the

legislature felt it would be a great opportunity for a responsible and diverse professional group

to help move Texas forward into the 21st century.



To review this matter and to have a  broader picture, I recommend  invited testimony from the

Texas Railroad Commission, The Texas Oil and Gas Association, a district judge who issues

unclaimed well permits, or, in the alternative, a lawyer who works full-time finding rightful

owners. Carroll Lake and Associates in Kenedy, Texas, employ fifty lawyers for this purpose,

mostly doing work for Marathon Oil Company. Perhaps one of their lawyers could testify.




To get to the heart of the matter I am listing the individual mandates of HB 724 and the 

resource necessary to comply:

Section 3(1) the amount of unclaimed original land grant proceeds delivered to the comptroller 

that remain unclaimed on December 1, 2014.

Source: The state comptroller’s office can verify the Type One unclaimed mineral proceeds

from their data base by breaking down how much are unclaimed mineral proceeds from  title

holders separate from  bank accounts, travelers checks and other property. This is for information

and has no significant bearing for most descendants.    Type Two Unclaimed mineral proceeds

will be more difficult to determine since the law apparently only requires the state comptroller to

keep records for ten years. An analysis by the comptroller can be done on unclaimed mineral

proceeds that have been  received from oil and gas sources from all property in Texas for the

period. Perhaps,  they will be able to break down how much came from the land grants. However,

while not comprehensive it  will provide an idea of what has been received and what should have

been deposited in an escrow account.


Section 3(2) recommendations for efficient and effective procedures under which the 

state may be required to (A)  determine the owners of the proceeds; (B) notify the 

owners of the proceeds; and (C) distribute  the proceeds to the owners.


Source: Title holder owners of the proceeds cannot be found as oil and gas companies

have been unable to do so. What the commission can do is validate that the

descendants of the   original grantee have a vested right and are “ de facto” owners.

Notification can be done through their respective lawyers, but it will not be possible

to notify all eligible. The  proceeds can be distributed in the same fashion.


Section 3(3) proposed legislation necessary to implement the recommendation 

made in the final report.


Source: Mrs. Fowler in her report on February 28, 2014, included for the public record

proposed amendments to the Texas Property Law, if needed, to make the law more

inclusive but should not be necessary to validate claims.


Section 3(4) any administrative recommendations proposed by the commission.


Source: The testimony and facts gathered during its proceedings will result in natural recommendations to the state.


Section 3(5) a complete explanation of each of the commission’s recommendations

Source: A task of the writing of the report.


It is worthy to note in closing that payment of claims will, to some degree, stimulate the Texas

economy. The monies will come back to  the government in federal Income taxes and state sales,

gasoline, and other taxes. The money will find its way back to Austin in the end.


       Mr. Lance K. Bruun, commission chairman, stated correctly at the first meeting on January 31, 2014,

that it is not the responsibility of the commission to hear past grievances. However his patience and that

of the commission in allowing public testimony about past injuries to South Texas families was commendable

because it revealed that our cause is not a perfunctory one but deeply rooted in tragic events experienced

for over a century. Recognizing the past, the descendants look forward to the future and the great

opportunity this forum represents for relief.


In  conclusion, the descendants seek accountability and justice by the equitable distribution of oil

and gas revenues.  It is hoped that these facts, opinions, and ideas will guide the commission in

its very momentous  task.  I would be pleased to  lend support as needed and  appreciate the

willingness of the commissioners to serve and to undertake this historical mission.


________________________                                  _________________________

Signed                                                                    Date


Biographical Note: George Farias  is  a retired executive director of a community mental health center in Bexar County. His hobby is ancestral study and U.S. Borderlands history and is an online retailer of books in these subject categories. He is a writer of family history books and genealogical and historical essays. His ancestors had twelve grants in South Texas containing  97,918 acres. Six of these grants have good gas and oil production, and he has been certified for three of those as a legitimate heir by declaratory judgment. He joined Mrs. Eileen McKenzie Fowler’s program in 2006 and is member of her HEIRS committee. He is also vice president of The Land Grant Justice Association, Inc.


Author George Farías blogged and used by permission  see our terms to request permission to publish
Please note: these are Mr. Farias' personal presentations to the HB724 commission as a descendant/heir and do not reflect the opinions of anyone else. They are a matter of public record. 
Photo Credit: Source: the Voice of Change Network Copyright 2014 All Rights Reserved

Please read part 2 of this white paper  or see the tag #whitepaperhb724

12/26/2014 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Petition Update

We sent out an administration email by mistake, our apologies

We are giving you an weekly update please sign and urge others to sign the petition;

we have 6 that signed the petition in the last 3 days, our first goal is 100, then 1000, then 10,000 then 100,000 then 1,000,000 +.

Members to date: 250 TVOC Network out of 3.5 million Hispanic voters just in the state of Texas, however we know there are many out of state descendants and heirs.

Happy Holidays,  Here is the link to the petition:

Sign the petition to force the entities, governments, companies and/or individuals to pay the rightful duly and legally owed Texas Land Grant Heirs, the billions of dollars in royalties, bonuses, benefits, etc. of the type 2 mineral and other resources

We have started a petition to force the entities, governments, companies and/or individuals to pay the rightful duly and legally owed Texas Land Grant Heirs, the billions of dollars in royalties, bonuses, benefits, etc. of the type 2 mineral and other resources

We need every voting Hispanic (in the State of Texas), every descendant, every Spanish Land Grant heir living in Texas, the United States or around the world, and everyone else who is a supporter of our campaign.

To sign the petition you must click here or the link below:




We need your help now more than ever.

Let’s show our united voice and make change happen.  This is the first to the next step, we are hoping for over 4.5 million Hispanic voters in Texas, plus every one else mentioned about to exceed a number that is significant enough for our elected officials, and supporters to help us.

United we stand – a cause to bring us together

We have all heard this phrase

United we stand, divided we fall

the phrase comes from a song written by Tony Hiller and Peter Simmons.  It was first released in 1970 by The Brotherhood of Man (in their original, pre-Eurovision line-up), becoming the band’s first hit, peaking at #13 in the U.S., #9 in Canada, and #10 in the U.K.[1][2] – source   wikipedia

Well we also know his from post 9/11 as a spiritual chant and motto to bring us together.

We are in a battle right now, and it is time we lay our differences aside and come together.  TVOC is not pro an exclusive group of people, we are for all descendants. There are over 3.8 million Hispanic voters in Texas and this is who we reach out to unite.  We also reach out to all of the Spanish land grant descendants and heirs. We reach out to ever professional who will help us, or support our cause. We reach out to ever leader and politician who will back us and support us.

This network is started by a descendant and heir and is working to bring us together.  Our news comes from all sources, not to support one person, or a committee of people. We are here to bring you facts, and the truth that all of the descendants need to work toward one common goal.   So when you see news, maybe it is focused on a particular person or group, and the reason we posted it, is because that person or group are the people who are working hard, and doing many things to help us get our rightful inheritance.

That doesn’t mean You can’t do anything, in fact we hope this inspires many other groups, from the north, south, east, west and central Texas areas to begin to do something, instead of sitting back talking about it, or dreaming that it will happen.  Maybe it is because you pray, or you write letters to elected officials, or that you have a specific attorney, or group of attorneys, or other groups that are working toward change.  Then this is great, because that is one step toward uniting.  We would like you to unite with us, whether it be through membership, or volunteering, or using this site for information for your to become more active.  It takes all of us to work together to make change. It takes our voices, our hands, our hearts, our prayers, our unity to produce some positive results.

We are not divided, maybe we are opinions, and that is okay.  We are united! Let’s stay united and work together more than ever before.

Would you think about become a member or volunteer of this network ?

Thank you


Gearing up for the upcoming 2015 Elections Step 1

Can you believe it?  It is already time to start hearing those ads on the the radio and seeing the news about state elections. Primaries are on March 3rd. This means we need to complete this step before April 3rd so we have a nice list to choose from when voting. We must start now. Are you registered?, did you vote in January? , are you sending out letters or making phone calls? are you getting other people active to help, or register to vote? are you uniting your family and group with this information?

Now more than ever it is important for us to make change, and add constituents in our government you support our causes.

In Austin alone we already have over 20,000 Hispanic voters on our side, as we are working on gathering totals of other major cities. Our goal is to engage 4 million eligible voters. Hispanics are the fastest growing population in Texas with more than 4 million eligible voters.
We are working with other groups and organizations and already are starting to campaign for the this years elections. We need your help, getting people united, involved in this network, and with elections.
Having large groups of people is one thing, but getting them active to use their voice, and volunteer to causes is another.  Our slogan is that we cannot remain silent any longer, it’s time to use our voice for change. We need your voice, and volunteer skills, and talents to help make a change.
It’s time to begin asking questions to current elected officials, and future elected officials.

Here are some of the questions that should be asked:
  • We are asking you if you will support our cause and rights?
  • Will you help us get in our efforts to find the missing monies unaccounted for that belong to us?
  • Will you help those of us who are seeking to prove that we are an heir, so we can get paid our rightful royalties the State of Texas has been spending?
  • Will you help us sponsor and support future legislation?
  • Will you help to unsure the State comptroller accounts for every penny that was paid in to the heirs from years ago and into the future?
  • Will you help us pave the way that will make it easier to get the payouts from these royalties from the past, present and future from the State of Texas?
To do this we have created a blanket letter see the download button,
Please record their responses with this form click here   then you can see the results click here :
WHO to send letters to?  You can click here to find the email addresses of every official.   I know this might take time, but the more letters they get the more serious they will know we are.  In the future we hope to enable an automated feature, or campaign that will automatically email every member in one or two steps, but this takes money, as we grow we can provide this automated feature. Even if we don’t get that many responses this can change what issues they decide.  So we need to send out thousands of letters and emails.

WHO IS RUNNING? When are the elections? 

Click here for Texas election candidates  or click here for more info at the Texas Secretary of States office including candidates, which also has instructions on registering to vote and making sure you are updated, as you campaign to get more voters involved.

As we get replies, please share back with us the letters of support, so we can add their name to “Intent to support” or other support lists. This will help our community vote those people in power who will help our causes.
Also look at the upcoming election events, on this website, there it will have information about who is running, links, contact links, election dates, etc.

We have a lot of election PR material for you also click here 

We will also update this and this site with information who is running in the primaries, we will use a star or color code system to identify those who support us. So keep looking for information here
If you have any suggestions as a member of our network please submit your story, article, news or ideas in the submit section under members.  Thanks for your help!

How one person changed an election

I remember a few years back it was election time. I was involved in politics at the time and there were some really big issues on the table.  I was already involved in Government in my college, so I took advantage of that.

I organized in every high school person who was 18, every college students from different colleges and that is all I did.

I found 3 people to help me organize this. We paid for flyers together and used social media like Twitter, Google Plus, and Facebook to get out the message.

I was able to convince these people first to register to vote, then to think about the issues on the table, and I presented some very important facts and consequences based on the election results.

In just a few weeks we had over 5,000 voters and in a month we grew to 20,000 and we change the vote. The polls said just the opposite, so you can imagine how surprised people where.

My little event got so much attention, my college allowed me to use a big hall for the election night and celebration. We got a local college band, and we banded together to make a nice little celebration after our victory.

Really it didn’t cost us that much we were smart , we asked for printers to print things for us and sponsor us. We had food and drinks donated.  All it took was a few hours a week to make a change.