Rep. Ryan Guillen – Working with VOC , our members and Spanish Land Grant Heirs

In a recent interview with Representative Ryan Guillen, Texas District 31 we found out some new information for the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

Although none of this will get us the money the State of Texas owes us, it will help in the future.

Mr. Guillen Stated:

I want to assure you that when my constituents have concerns, they are my concerns.

As we previously reported about Texas Spanish land grant descendants continue to pursue mineral rights compensation, Mr. Guillen assured that he is on our side.

In 2011 Mr. Guillen filed House Bill 2611 to create a permissive procedural framework for the Comptroller to distribute unclaimed property, specifically unclaimed mineral proceeds, to rightful heirs.  It did not stop there and although HB724 failed the Texas Spanish Land Grant Heirs, Mr. Guillen reports to the Voice of Change :

Currently, we are drafting bills with the purpose of continuing to help address these issues. I do hope that our efforts speak for themselves.

One of those bills will make a requirement for every gas and oil company to provide more specifics about the property, i.e. well locations, addresses and receivership.  (These were some of the recommendations from HB724 committee).  However the third bill is not based on the HB724 commissions findings but “an alternative for making amends to the heirs of Spanish and Mexican land grant heirs.”

Lastly Mr. Guillen emphasized he looks forward to working the Voice of Change Network, our members and the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

Stay tuned as we keep you updated on breaking news. We will also publish information how you can get involved actively an help support these sponsored bills.

Tejano community Mexican American Texas Spanish Land Grant Heirs

MEXICAN AMERICANS. People of Mexican descent in Texas trace their biological origins to the racial mixture that occurred following the Spanish conquest of Mexico in the 1520s. During the Spanish colonial period, population increases occurred as Spanish males mixed with Indian females, begetting a mestizo race. By 1821, when Mexico won its independence from Spain, the mestizo population almost equalled the size of the indigenous stock and that of Iberian-born persons. Mexicans advanced northward from central Mexico in exploratory and settlement operations soon after the conquest, but did not permanently claim the Texas frontierland until after 1710. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the French became increasingly active along the Texas Gulf Coast, and in response, the viceroy in Mexico City made preparations for the colonization of the Texas wilderness. The first expedition in 1716 peopled an area that subsequently became the town of Nacogdoches; a second in 1718 settled present-day San Antonio; and a third established La Bahía (Goliad) in 1721. During the 1740s and 1750s, the crown founded further colonies along both banks of the Rio Grande, including what is now Laredo. At this early time, the crown relied primarily on persuasion to get settlers to pick up and relocate in the far-off Texas lands. Those responding hailed from Coahuila and Nuevo León, though intrepid souls from the interior joined the early migrations. In reality, few pioneers wished to live in isolation or amid conditions that included possible Indian attacks. They feared a setting that lacked adequate supplies, sustenance, and medical facilities for the sick, especially infants. Frontier living inhibited population growth so that at the beginning of the nineteenth century, when Spanish Texas neared its end, the Mexican-descent population numbered only about 5,000.

Between then and the time of the Texas Revolution in 1836, the number of Hispanics fluctuated, but then increased perceptibly, so that the first federal census taken of Texas in 1850 counted more than 14,000 residents of Mexican origin. Subsequently, people migrated from Mexico in search of agricultural work in the state, and in the last half of the century, moved north due to a civil war in the homeland (the War of the Reform, 1855–61) and the military resistance against the French presence (1862–67). But they also looked to Texas as a refuge from the poverty at home, a condition exacerbated by the emergence of President Porfirio Díaz (1876–1911), whose dictatorial rule favored landowners and other privileged elements in society. The Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) increased the movement of people across the Rio Grande. Mass relocation persisted into the 1920s as agricultural expansion in the southwestern United States also acted to entice the desperately poor. The total Mexican-descent population in Texas may have approximated 700,000 by 1930. The Great Depression and repatriation efforts (see MEXICAN AMERICANS AND REPATRIATION) and deportation drives undertaken during the 1930s stymied population expansion. Growth resumed during the 1940s, however, as labor shortages in the United States induced common people from Mexico to seek escape from nagging poverty in the homeland. Many turned to Texas ranches and farms, but also to urban opportunities, as the state entered the post-World War IIqv industrial boom. Their presence, combined with births among the native-born population, augmented the Spanish-surnamed population to 1,400,000 by 1960. Though economic refugees from Mexico continued to add to the expansion of Tejano communities after the 1960s, the majority of children born since that date have had native-born parents. The 1990 census counted 4,000,000 people of Mexican descent in the state. Fewer than 20 percent of that population were of foreign birth.

In 1836, when Texas acquired independence from Mexico, Tejanos remained concentrated in settlements founded during the eighteenth century, namely Nacogdoches, San Antonio, Goliad, and Laredo. Other communities with a primarily Mexican-descent population in 1836 included Victoria, founded by Martín De León in 1824, and the villages of San Elizario, Ysleta, and Socorro in far west Texas. Spaniards had founded these latter settlements on the west bank of the Rio Grande during the 1680s as they sought to claim New Mexico, but the villages became part of the future West Texas when the Rio Grande changed course in the 1830s. Population dispersals until the mid-nineteenth century occurred mainly within the regions of Central and South Texas. In the former area, Tejanos spread out into the counties east and southeast of San Antonio seeking a livelihood in this primarily Anglo-dominated region. In South Texas, they pushed from the Rio Grande settlements toward Nueces River ranchlands and still composed a majority of the section’s population despite the increased number of Anglo arrivals after the Mexican War of 1846–48. In the years after the Civil War, Mexicans moved west of the 100th meridian, migrating simultaneously with Anglo pioneers then displacing Indians from their native habitat and converting hinterlands into cattle and sheep ranches. By 1900, Tejanos were settled in all three sections. They formed a minority in Central Texas and a majority in South Texas; they held a demographic advantage along the border counties of West Texas, but were outnumbered by Anglos in that section’s interior.

The rise of commercial agriculture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries summoned laborers for seasonal and farm work, and both recent arrivals from Mexico and native-born Tejanos answered the call by heading into South and Central Texas fields. During this period, they also made for Southeast Texas and North Texas, searching out cotton lands as well as opportunities in large cities such as Houston and Dallas. Between 1910 and 1929, migrant workers began what became a yearly migrant swing that started in the farms of South Texas and headed northward into the developing Northwest Texas and Panhandle cottonlands. They settled in smaller communities along the routes of migration, and by the 1930s the basic contours of modern-day Tejano demography had taken form. With the exception of Northeast Texas, most cities and towns in the state by the pre-World War II era had Tejano populations. Tejanos relied on a wide spectrum of occupations in the nineteenth century, though most found themselves confined to jobs as day laborers and in other unspecialized tasks. They worked as maids, restaurant helpers, and laundry workers, but the great majority turned to range duties due to the orientation of the economy and their skills as ranchhands and shepherds (pastoresqv). A small percentage found a niche as entrepreneurs or ranchers. After the 1880s, Texas Mexicans turned to new avenues of livelihood, such as building railroads and performing other arduous tasks. During the agricultural revolution of the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, many worked grubbing brush and picking cotton, vegetables, and fruits, primarily in the fields of South Texas, but also migrated into the other regions of the state as farmhands. In the urban settlements, an entrepreneurial sector-comprising shopowners, labor agents, barbers, theater owners, restaurateurs, and the like-ministered to Mexican consumers in familiar terms. Even as Texas society experienced increased urban movements following World War I, Tejanos remained preponderantly an agrarian people. In towns, many faced labor segregation and took menial jobs in construction work, city projects, railroad lines, slaughterhouses, cotton compresses, and whatever else availed itself. After World War II, however, increased numbers of Tejanos left agricultural work and found opportunities in the industrializing cities. Most found improvements in wages and working conditions in unskilled or semiskilled positions, though a growing number penetrated the professional, managerial, sales, clerical, and craft categories. Presently, the great majority of Tejanos hold urban-based occupations that range from high-paying professional positions to minimum-wage, unskilled jobs. An unfortunate minority remains tied to farm work as migratingcampesinos (farmworkers).

Since the initial settlements of the early eighteenth century, a sense of community has given Tejanos a particular identity. On the frontier, common experiences and problems forced Texas Mexicans to adjust in ways different from those of their counterparts in the Mexican interior. Tejanos fashioned an ethic of self-reliance, wresting their living from a ranching culture, improvising ways to survive in the wilderness expanse, and devising specific political responses to local needs despite directives from the royal government. In barrios (urban neighborhoods) and rural settlements in the era following the establishment of American rule, Tejanos combined tenets of Mexican tradition with those of American culture. The result was a Tejano community that practiced a familiar folklore, observed Catholic holy days and Mexican national holidays, spoke the Spanish language, yet sought participation in national life. But Tejanos faced lynching, discrimination, segregation, political disfranchisement, and other injustices. This produced a community at once admiring and distrusting of United States republicanism. The arrival of thousands of Mexican immigrants in the early years of the twentieth century affected group consciousness as now a major portion of the population looked to the motherland for moral guidance and even allegiance. Recent arrivals reinforced a Mexican mentality, as they based familial and community behavior upon the traditions of the motherland. Many took a keener interest in the politics of Mexico than that of the United States. By the 1920s, however, birth in Texas or upbringing in the state produced newer levels of Americanization. Increasingly, community leaders sought the integration of Mexicans into mainstream affairs, placing emphasis on the learning of English, on acquaintance with the American political system, and acceptance of social norms of the United States. In modern times, a bicultural Hispanic community identifies primarily with United States institutions, while still upholding Mexican customs and acknowledging its debt to the country of its forefathers.

In truth, Tejanos are a diverse group, even divided along social lines. During the colonial era, a small, elite group that included landowners, government officials, and ambitious merchants stood above the poverty-stricken masses. Though the American takeover of Texas in 1836 reversed the fortunes of this elite cohort, Mexican Americans devised imaginative responses in their determination to maintain old lands, buy small parcels of real estate, found new businesses, and develop political ties with Anglo-Americans. This nineteenth-century social fragmentation remained into the early 1900s, as even the immigrants fleeing Porfirio Díaz and the Mexican Revolution derived from different social classes. The lot of the great majority of Tejanos remained one of misery, however. Most Mexican Americans lived with uncertain employment, poor health, and substandard housing. Out of the newer opportunities developing in the 1920s, however, emerged a petit bourgeoisie composed of businessmen, doctors, lawyers, and other professionals; from this element descended the leaders who called on the masses to accept United States culture during the 1920s. According to the 1930 census, about 15 percent of Tejanos occupied middle-class positions. After World War II, social differentiation became more pronounced as numerous Tejanos successfully achieved middle-class status. By the 1990s, nearly 40 percent of the Tejano labor force held skilled, white-collar, and professional occupations. The majority, however, remained economically marginalized.

Tejanos faced numerous obstacles in their efforts to participate in the politics of the nineteenth century. Anglos considered them unworthy of the franchise and generally discouraged them from voting. Where permitted to cast ballots, Tejanos were closely monitored by Anglo political bosses or their lieutenants to ensure that they voted for specific candidates and platforms. Members of the Tejano landholding class cooperated in this procedure. The status quo for them meant protecting their possessions and their alliances with Anglo rulers (see BOSS RULE). Despite efforts to neutralize Tejanos politically, Texas Mexicans displayed interest in questions of regional and even national concern. Especially in the counties and towns along the Rio Grande and in San Antonio, they joined reform movements and attempted to mobilize people behind economic issues that bore on the wellbeing of barrio residents. Some held offices as commissioners, collectors, or district clerks. Moreover, they took stands on the divisive issues of the 1850s, the Civil War, Reconstruction, and Gilded Age politics. During the early decades of the twentieth century and continuing until the late 1940s, political incumbency took a downturn. The Democratic party institutionalized the White Primary during this period, the legislature enacted the poll tax, and demographic shifts occurred that diluted the majority advantage held by Tejanos in South and extreme West Texas. The nineteenth-century bosses who had compensated Mexican voters with patronage suffered setbacks from the Progressive challenge and were removed from power during the teens. Some Mexican-American politicians in the ranch counties of South Texas-Webb, Zapata, Starr, and Duval-did manage to retain their positions, however.

In the post-World War II years, Anglo political reformers solicited Mexican-American cooperation in efforts to establish improved business climates in the cities. Due to a more tolerant atmosphere and political resurgence in the barrios, Tejano politicians once more gained access to political posts; in 1956 Henry B. Gonzalez became the first Mexican American to win election to the Texas Senate in modern times. In the mid-1960s a liberal-reformist movement spread across Tejano communities, led by youths disgruntled with barriers in the way of Tejano aspirations and inspired by a farmworkers’ march in 1966. Anglo society became the object of militant attacks. Out of this Chicano movement surfaced the Raza Unida party with a plank that addressed discriminatory practices and advocated the need for newer directions in Texas politics. For a variety of reasons, this political chapter in Tejano history ended by the mid-1970s and was succeeded by more moderate politics, led by leaders wanting to forge workable coalitions with liberal Democratic allies. The 1970s and 1980s saw a dramatic rise in the number of Tejano incumbents. Federal legislation and court decisions, a more open-minded Anglo society, and the impact of the Chicano movement brought successes.

Clubs with political leanings existed throughout Texas in the nineteenth century and in the early twentieth century, although no large successful organization appeared on the scene until 1929, when activist members of a small but growing Tejano middle class founded the League of United Latin American Citizens. Though LULAC was nonpolitical, it sought to interest Texas Mexicans in politics (by sponsoring poll tax drives, for instance) and worked to change oppressive conditions by investigating cases of police brutality, complaining to civic officials and business proprietors about segregation, and working for a sound educational system. Along with the American G.I. Forum of Texas, which was founded in 1948, LULAC utilized the judicial process to effect changes favorable to Mexican Americans. During the Chicano movement of the 1960s and 1970s, these two organizations turned to the federal government to get money for needy Mexican-American communities in the state. Both pursued a centrist political position after the Chicano period. In 1968, civil rights lawyers founded the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund to fight for legal solutions of problems afflicting Mexican Americans. By the 1970s, MALDEF had gained distinction by winning judicial victories in the areas of diluted political rights, employment discrimination, poor educational opportunities, and inequitable school finance.

As descendants of Spaniards who brought their religion to Mexico, the majority of Texas Mexicans belong to the Catholic faith. Generally, Texas-Mexican Catholics have observed doctrine and received the sacraments by marrying in the church and having their children baptized and taught religion, though their adherence to Catholic teaching is far from complete. Recent surveys indicate that many Mexican-American Catholics view the church as a place for worship but not an institution readily responsive to personal and community needs. Close to 60 percent believe themselves to be “good Catholics.” Protestants have proselytized among Texas Mexicans with general success. Many barrios in the larger towns featured Protestant places of worship by the 1870s, and newer enclaves in the twentieth century had several “Mexican” Protestant churches. Protestant work among Mexican Americans has been constant in the twentieth century; Evangelicals, Pentecostals, and Jehovah’s Witnesses have made special efforts to convert Mexican-American Catholics. Approximately 20 percent of Mexican Americans in the United States belong to Protestant communions.

Anglo-American society in the nineteenth century did not concern itself over the education of Texas-Mexican children, since farmers and ranchers had little need for a literate working class. Where public schooling might exist, however, Tejano families urged their children to attend. Those who could afford it, on the other hand, enrolled their youngsters in private religious academies and even in colleges. Select communities established local institutions with a curriculum designed to preserve the values and heritage of Mexico. Not until the 1920s did government take a serious interest in upgrading education for Tejanitos, but even then, society provided inferior facilities for them. Texas-Mexican children ordinarily attended “Mexican schools” and were discouraged from furthering their education past the sixth grade. Attendance in these schools, however, did have the effect of socializing and Americanizing an increased number of young folks whose parents were either foreign-born or unacculturated. Though Texas Mexicans had protested educational inequalities since the second decade of the century, it was not until the 1930s that they undertook systematic drives against them-namely as members of LULAC, but also through local organizations such as the Liga Pro-Defensa Escolar (School Improvement Leagueqv) in San Antonio. Before World War II, however, the educational record for Tejanos proved dismal, as poverty and administrative indifference discouraged many from regular attendance. The children of migrant parents, for example, received their only exposure to education when the family returned to its hometown during the winter months. After the war, the G.I. Forum joined in the struggle to improve the education of the Mexican community with the motto “Education is Our Freedom.” With LULAC, the forum campaigned to encourage parents and students to make education a priority. Both organizations also worked through the legal system and successfully persuaded the courts to desegregate some districts. During the 1950s, indeed, Tejanos witnessed slight improvement in their educational status, though this may have been partly due to the rural-to-urban transition of the time. City life meant better access to schools, better enforcement of truancy laws, and less migration if heads of families found more stable employment. The gap between Mexican-American and Anglo achievement remained wide, however, and after the 1960s, MALDEF leveled a legal assault on issues such as racial segregation and the inequitable system of dispersing public funds to school districts. Concerned parents and legislators also strove for a better-educated community by supporting such programs as Head Start and bilingual education. In more recent times, however, Mexican-American students still had the highest dropout rate of all ethnic groups. In part, this explained the fact that Mexican-American students average only ten years in school.

Within the social space of segregated neighborhoods or isolated rural settlements, Tejanos carried on cultural traditions that blended the customs of the motherland with those of the United States. They organized, for instance, an array of patriotic, recreative, or civic clubs designed to address bicultural tastes. Newspapers, either in Spanish or English, informed communities of events in both Mexico and the United States. Tejanos also developed a literary tradition. Some left small autobiographical sketches while others wrote lay histories about Tejano life. Creative writers penned narratives, short stories and poems that they submitted to community newspapers or other outlets; some were in Spanish, especially those of the nineteenth century, but works were also issued in bilingual or English form. Civic leaders compiled records of injustices or other community concerns, and academicians wrote scholarly articles or books. Among the latter may be listed Jovita González de Mireles, Carlos E. Castañeda, and George I. Sánchez,qqv who published after the 1930s. Painters, sculptors, and musicians have made some contribution to Tejano traditional arts, though not much is known of such contributions before the 1920s. During the 1930s, Octavio Medellín begin a career as a sculptor of works with pre-Columbian motifs. After World War II, Porfirio Salinas, Jr., gained popularity as a landscape artist, and during the 1960s some of his paintings hung in Lyndon B. Johnsonsqv‘s White House. More recent is José Cisneros, known for his pen-and-ink illustrations of Spanish Borderlands historical figures. The workers of Amado M. Peña, a painter from Laredo, and the sculptor Luis Jiménez of El Paso reveal a border influence but go beyond ethnicity. Numerous musicians have established legendary careers in Spanish; several Tejanos have topped the American rock ‘n roll charts, and some have earned Grammys. Folklore, much of it based on the folk beliefs of the poor in Mexico, flourished in Mexican communities in Texas. While reflecting many themes, it especially served to express feelings about abrasive confrontations between Tejanos and Anglos. Corridosqv of the nineteenth century and early twentieth century, for example, criticized white society for injustices inflicted on barrio dwellers or extolled heroic figures who resisted white oppression.

In the nineteenth century, the dominant language in the barrios and rural settlements was that of Mexico, though some Tejanos also attained facility in English and thus became bilingual. Various linguistic codes characterize oral communications in present-day enclaves, however, due to continued immigration from Mexico, racial separation, and exposure to American mass culture. Some Texas Mexicans speak formal Spanish only, just as there are those who communicate strictly in formal English. More common are those Spanish speakers using English loan words as they borrow from the lexicon of mainstream society. Another form of expression, referred to as “code-switching,” involves the systematic mixing of the English and Spanish languages. Another mode of communication is caló, a “hip” code composed of innovative terminology used primarily by boys in their own groups (see PACHUCOS).

Friction has characterized relations between mainstream society and Tejanos since 1836. Mechanisms designed to maintain white supremacy, such as violence, political restrictions, prohibition from jury service, segregation, and inferior schooling caused suspicion and distrust within the Mexican community. Repatriation of Mexican citizens during the depression of the 1930s and Operation Wetback in 1954 inflicted great anguish on some of the communities touched by the drives, as Tejanos perceived them to be racially motivated. In more recent times, conflict between the two societies has persisted over such issues as immigration, the right to speak Spanish in schools, and the use of public money to support the Tejano poor. Even as Anglo-American society attempted to relegate Tejanos to second-class citizenry, Mexican Americans have sought to find their place in America. Middle-class businessmen have pursued integration into the economic mainstream, and the politically minded have worked for the involvement of Tejanos in the body politic. Such were the objectives of organizations as LULAC, the G.I. Forum, and MALDEF. Though recent immigrants wrestle with two allegiances, their children have ordinarily accepted the offerings of American life. Indeed, Texas Mexicans have proven their allegiance toward the state on numerous occasions, especially during the country’s several wars. Seldom have drives toward separatism gained support across the spectrum of the community. Probably the most prominent movement emphasizing anti-Anglo sentiments was the Chicano movement, but even its rhetoric appealed only to certain sectors of the community. In the Lone Star State, Mexican Americans stand out as one of the few groups having loyalties to the state while simultaneously retaining a binary cultural past.



Rodolfo Acuña, Occupied America: A History of Chicanos (2d ed., New York: Harper and Row, 1981). Evan Anders, Boss Rule in South Texas: The Progressive Era (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1982). Carlos E. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas (7 vols., Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones, 1936–58; rpt., New York: Arno, 1976). Gilbert R. Cruz, Let There Be towns (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1988). Arnoldo De León, Ethnicity in the Sunbelt: A History of Mexican-Americans in Houston (University of Houston Mexican American Studies Program, 1989). Arnoldo De León, San Angeleños: Mexican Americans in San Angelo, Texas (San Angelo: Fort Concho Museum Press, 1985). Arnoldo De León, They Called Them Greasers: Anglo Attitudes Toward Mexicans in Texas, 1821–1900 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983). Arnoldo De León and Kenneth L. Stewart, “Tejano Demographic Patterns and Socio-economic Development,”Borderlands Journal 7 (Fall 1983). Ignacio M. Garcia, United We Win: The Rise and Fall of La Raza Unida Party (Tucson: University of Arizona Mexican American Studies Research Center, 1989). Mario T. García, Desert Immigrants: The Mexicans of El Paso, 1880–1920 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981). Mario T. Garcia, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, 1930–1960 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). Richard A. García, Rise of the Mexican American Middle Class, San Antonio, 1919–1941 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1991). Gilberto Miguel Hinojosa, A Borderlands Town in Transition: Laredo, 1755–1870 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1983). Jack Jackson, Los Mesteños: Spanish Ranching in Texas, 1721–1821 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1986). Oakah L. Jones, Los Paisanos: Spanish Settlers on the Northern Frontier of New Spain (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1979). David Montejano,Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987). Manuel Peña, The Texas-Mexican Conjunto: History of a Working-Class Music (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985). Gerald E. Poyo and Gilberto M. Hinojosa, eds., Tejano Origins in Eighteenth-Century San Antonio (San Antonio: Institute of Texan Cultures, 1991). Guadalupe San Miguel, Jr., “Let All of Them Take Heed”: Mexican Americans and the Campaign for Educational Equality in Texas (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987). Edgar G. Shelton, Jr., Political Conditions among Texas Mexicans along the Rio Grande (M.A. thesis, University of Texas, 1946; San Francisco: R&E Research Associates, 1974). Jerry D. Thompson, Warm Weather and Bad Whiskey: The 1886 Laredo Election Riot (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991). W. H. Timmons, “The El Paso Area in the Mexican Period, 1821–1848,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 84 (July 1980). Emilio Zamora, Mexican Labor Activity in South Texas, 1900–1920 (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Texas at Austin, 1983).

Porcion 21 in Zapata County El Lopeño – Los Porciones Series

Porcion 21 in Zapata County El Lopeño – Los Porciones Series

Located on Porcion 21 in Zapata County which was originally granted to the widow Isabel Maria Sanchez. Sometime early in the nineteenth century it passed to the Ramirez Family which owned porciones 14 thru 17 and established Ramireño. The first stone house was contstructed here in 1821 by Benito Ramirez. Apparently it was named after a family named “Lopez”. This rural community also has it’s “new” counterpart as it was submerged when Falcon Lake was formed.
Attached are some of the land grant documents of the Original Porcion 21 grantee, Isabel Maria Sanchez.


Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia.  All content used with permission

Requests for – Los Porciones Series

Do you have a Los Porciones  request ? We will have our historian look in some records to see if we can find information about it.  Comment on Facebook and we will give it a look.

Tomás de la Vega’s land grant of 11 leagues along the Brazos River – Los Porciones Series

Tomás de la Vega’s land grant of 11 leagues along the Brazos River was granted to Rafael and José María de Aguirre and Tomás de la Vega of Saltillo, Coahuila, Mexico, in 1830. The grant was then purchased by Samuel May Williams in 1832, then sold to Mrs. Sophia St. John of Connecticut in 1833 for $2,500. In 1850, St. John placed the land for sale with Jacob de Cordova of Galveston, Texas, who then sold tract of land to Thomas M. League for $6,250. In order to invest in the land, Thomas League sold interest in the land to a joint venture of Alabaman citizens.


The legal title was vested in Colonel John W. Lapsley of Selma, Alabama, who was charged with protecting the land in the name of owner Thomas League and a group of people who owned interest in the property. With the confusing line of land grant owners who were not actually on the property, some people in Texas moved onto the land and illegally began to live there.

Title holder John Lapsley filed suit against Elihas Spencer and 11 other squatters and won in 1856, a decision upheld by the Texas Supreme Court in 1856. However, in 1857, original owner Tomás de la Vega filed suit against Lapsley by claiming that the power of attorney by which he sold the land to Samuel Williams was forged. Lapsley won the suit in 1858, and in 1872, Colonel Lapsley employed Waco attorney William W. Kendall to rid the land of all squatters and uphold Lapsley’s clear legal title to the land.

This collection was compiled by Roger Norman Conger. Conger was born on 1910 September 26 in China Springs, Texas. In 1926 Conger graduated from high school and began working for the Cooper Grocery Company while he took classes at Baylor University for the next two years. In 1931 Conger took a position at Southern Cotton Oil Company of New Orleans and married Lucy Hammond in 1933. The Congers had two daughters and a son together. Tragically, their son died in a car accident in 1960. In 1941 Conger started the Hammond Laundry-Cleaning Machinery Company of Waco. Conger was an active participant in the community, serving as Waco city commissioner from 1962-1965 and as mayor from 1964-1965. He also served as the president of the Texas State Historical Association from 1972-1973. Conger was a historian of Waco, and was vital in the development the Historic Waco Foundation and the Texas Ranger Hall of Fame and Museum. Conger died on 1996 February 13 in Waco, Texas after a battle with Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis (Lou Gehrig’s Disease).

Are you a descendant of this land?

Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia founder of Las Porciones Group. All content used with permission

Today is Voters Day in Texas – Spanish Land Grant Heirs Tejano Land Grant and Hispanic Latino Voters

VOC –  12:00 AM  Today is the day to vote, we hope you get out there, because every vote is important.

Although there may be other items on the ballot this is what we know from the Texas Secretary of States office, you will have to check your local  and county governments, or media news outlets for other information more specific to where you live.

We have highlighted people in red we believe that would be supportive of Hispanics and Latinos, if the candidate is not in red, then we are not sure, please use your own information and judgement.


This is why we need more volunteers active to help in upcoming elections and send letters, make phone calls, or send emails to ask who will support us, and then post those supporters on our website here.  Then we can finish our list of supporters you can cross reference click here

As an impartial entity, this website only includes candidate name and political party affiliation information. Political stances with regard to issues are not referenced on this site. Such information can be obtained through Web searches or by visiting a particular candidate’s Web page.

February 17, 2015 Special Runoff Elections

Election Night Returns

Candidates for State Senator, District 26


Proclamation for Senate District 26 (PDF)

Trey Martinez Fischer
2248 W. Magnolia
San Antonio, Texas 78201
DOB: 06/05/1970
Filed with Filing Fee

Jose Menendez
1518 Townsend House
San Antonio, Texas 78251
DOB: 03/11/1969
Marketing Vice President
Filed with Filing Fee

State Representative, District 13  

Proclamation for State Representative, District 13 (PDF)  State Sen. Lois Kolkhorst, has supported in the past and is the current Senator

Carolyn Cerny Bilski
721 7th Street
Sealy, Texas 77474
DOB: 09/15/1953
Austin County Judge
Filed with Filing Fee

Leighton Schubert
306 S. Porter
Caldwell, Texas 77836
DOB: 07/14/1982
Filed with Filing Fee

Candidates for State Representative, District 17


Proclamation for House District 17 (PDF)

John Cyrier
1301 Westwood Rd.
Lockhart, Texas 78644
DOB: 05/04/1973
General Contractor
Filed with Filing Fee

Brent Golemon
117 Mokuauia Ct.
Bastrop, Texas 78602
DOB: 08/30/1968
Filed with Filing Fee

Candidates for State Representative, District 123


Proclamation for House District 123 (PDF)

Diego Bernal
107 Kinder
San Antonio, Texas 78212
DOB: 10/19/1976
Attorney – Consultant
Filed with Filing Fee

Nunzio Previtera
2714 Gainesborough Dr.
San Antonio, Texas 78230
DOB: 01/05/1953
Insurance Agent
Filed with Filing Fee

What’s my district?

Want to know in which congressional district or legislative district you live? This information is located at the bottom of your voter registration certificate. You may also find this information by entering your street address on the Who Represents Me form located on theTexas Legislature Online website. The “Who Represents Me” site shows who represents a person currently through the end of 2012.

Political Party Websites

Information is provided and maintained by the respective parties.

Republican Party

Democratic Party

Libertarian Party

Green PartyWhat’s on the ballot?


Although we have lost money after we started we will stay here as long as we can. We planned for a slow gradual continual growth rate. If we have to take drastic measures and cut all expenses except hosting, we could survive for a number of years.

But our growth, and our causes and projects will take more money and what expenses we have monthly is minimal compared to other sites working for such worthy causes.  We think we are heading in the right direction, and we are hopeful and optimistic that we will be able to meet beyond our goals and be able to put extra money in to litigation, legislation and other measures that are worthy and significant to our causes and not a waste of time or resources. Our staff and supporters believe this strongly. This is why they initially invested $13,012.92 to get the project up and running.

We hope this encourages you to stay active, or join us as a paid member or support us monthly and help volunteer.  Thanks for all of your support. the VOC team.

Please note the first section under the date is nothing to do with finances, it is the number of people, (statistics) that we reach out to, or that are involved or following us.  Also please note the first GL Memos reflect what our founders/staff members contributed to start this project. We strongly believe in financial transparency, you will always see where your money goes.

Villarreal and Longoria families – the Los Porciones Series

The Villarreal and Longoria families have been intertwined from the early colonial days in the Valley, by the marriage of Florentino Ochoa and Maria Olivares and Jose Antonio Villarreal and Maria Gertrudis Vega, In the 1760’s and 1770’s. The families were granted thousands of acres in the eastern sector of the Ejidos, and their heirs inherited vast amounts of property in the porciones, the porciones were #39, 65, 42, 47,48,74,77, and 80. Over the years most of the property was lost during the time when this area became part of the United States and the families had to prove that these properties belonged to them. Many documents show, these families would give up thousands of acres to lawyers who in turn would prove that the property was theirs. Most documents were signed by an X and most people didn’t know what was happening to their land holdings. It is sad and very hard to see these legal binding documents in which the lawyers took almost all the land because of our ancestors ignorance of the English language. ASI ES LA VIDA! Over the years the family spread throughout the Valley area and into Mission Harlingen, Raymondville,Dallas, Houston,Chicago and throughout California and the USA.

Pictured: Gregorio Villarreal and Wife Maria Longoria de Longoria (Gregorio son of Francisco Villarreal )

Francisco Villarreal’s legend still lives at the rancho Ojo de Agua (Abram Texas). Old timers talk of Francisco on horseback and of his great riding skills. There is a huge mesquite tree on the property where his house stood. This tree is said to be one of the oldest mesquite trees in south Texas over 600 yrs old. It is called (El mesquite de Francisco Villarreal). Francisco was also remembered as a ladies man, he left his first wife Juana Flores for another woman at an older age and had a second family. He is best remembered as a great supporter of education and schools in the ranch area. The first school in Ojo de Agua sat on Villarreal land.

The Longoria family were among the initial Spanish settlers to arrive in the Rio Grande Valley region in the mid-1700s. There are two branches of the Longoria family. The Camargo Branch settled in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico, and received large land grants on the north side of the Rio Grande River from the King of Spain. The other branch settled Reynosa, Tamaulipas, Mexico.

For those of us who trace our roots to Santa Maria/La Feria, Texas, we are direct decedents of the Reynosa Branch.

Juan Rosas Longoria and Maria Salome Cano were among the men and women who founded permanent communities such as the Villa de Reynosa, establishing the Longoria family in the area. They and other pioneers introduced ranching into the area with techniques brought from southern Spain.

In 1831 Irineo Longoria increased the family landholdings north of the Rio Grande by purchasing portions of the Llano Grande, La Feria and Ojo de Agua land grants. He added these tracts to the land of his second wife, Maria Inez Cavazos. They established residence in the community of Santa Maria. The Longoria ranch stretched from what became Sebastian to the Rio Grande.

Juan Miguel Longoria (1815-1875) became the owner of the Longoria ranch in the mid-1800s. Married three times, he was the father of 17 children. His first wife was Soledad Cavazos. His second wife, Silveria Ruiz, became one of the first persons interred at the Longoria Cemetery upon her death before 1853.

After his death, Juan Miguel’s third wife, Teresa Guerra, became the family matriarch and managed the ranch from 1875 to 1909.

Anastacio Longoria (1842-1922) was a son of Juan Miguel Longoria and second wife Silveria Ruiz.

Anastacio Longoria and Julio Ponce were the parents of Ascencion Longoria (1886-1932).

Ascencion Longoria and Guadalupe Flores were the parents of Tomas Longoria.

As the family continues to grow and migrate to other parts of the United States, it is up to us to preserve our family history so future generations may know of our deep roots and rich pioneer history in South Texas. Our history should never be lost.

Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia. All content used with permission

Pedro Vela and Porcion 34 the Los Porciones Series

Los Porciones Series

Pedro Vela and Porcion 34

Pedro was given a land grant by the king of Spain in 1767. It was Porcion 34 and contained approximately 6079 acres of land and is located in Zapata County. It is identified in Zapata County land records as Abstract Z-101 Death record indicates he left a will. Vela-porcion 34 / Cuellar-porcion 37 Porcion 34 is in Guerrero Pedro was an only child. He was raised by his step-mother. She raised him equally with her three other children. Pedro vela was not a primitive settler of Revilla (Guerro). He was a benedizo and arrived in Revilla after the first census was taken probably in 1760. He was from Cerralvo. He was granted Porcion 34 in the Jurisdiction of Guerrero, now Zapata county, by Vista General in 1767. He donated 100 goats to the church before he died on November 10, 1793. Luis Vela son of Pedro, was born in Revilla (Guerro) on August 19, 1786 and was baptized September 2, 1786, he died on March 15, 1860. He was granted Agostadero del Sordo by Mexico on January 2, 1848. Luis and his brothers had occupied the land since 1804, they had built small houses, dug wells and mande other improvements suitable for stock and farm, they remained in possesion until 18 35 when hostile Indians attacked them. He inerited 1/9 and purchased 8/9 of Porcion 34. He was a Justice Judge in Guerrero and partricipated in land transaction in Starr and Zapata counties.

A continuation of this history: El Sordo Ranch, off Highway 16 twelve miles southwest of Hebbronville in north central Jim Hogg County, was started in 1848. The land was part of the Agostadero del Sordo (“Summer Pasture of the Mute [or Deaf] One”) grant from Mexico to Luis Vela. The present ranch known as El Sordo was part of the 23,400 acres purchased by William A. Waugh in 1883 from J. H. McLeary. The headquarters was on an additional 693 acres that Waugh bought from C. W. Earnest. Waugh was one of the first Anglo settlers in Jim Hogg County. He and his wife, Angelita María (Serña), had three daughters. In 1895 Florence, one of the daughters, and her husband, Henry C. Yeager, acquired the ranch headquarters and began raising red Durham cattle. Henry Yeager was known for refusing to foreclose on ranchers with delinquent loans. In 1906, at his death, part of the 14,000 acres of his land went to his daughter Martha Josephine Armstrong. Included in that bequest was El Sordo Ranch. Martha, with her husband, E. L. Armstrong, added 2,280 acres to their holdings and raised cotton, horses, and Hereford cattle. The ranch headquarters burned in 1934 and had to be completely rebuilt. The Armstrongs established a school for their children and the children of the ranchhands. Earnest Roberts Armstrong, who inherited the remaining 693 acres of the ranch, added improved pastures and watermelon fields to his cattle and horse raising. The original ranchhouse was remodeled in 1968 and continued in 1992 to be inhabited by the owners. El Sordo Ranch has served as ranch headquarters, post office, and way station for travelers.

Where is the Vela family in the 2nd part of the history? How was land acquired, sold and purchased?

Idalia Garcia Davila I’m a descendant of Pedro Vela through his youngest son Santiago Vela Cuellar. Santiago was the founder of El Peyote, a land grant given by the Mexican government in 1831 located in present day Jim Hogg County. About 70% of the orginal 17,313 acre land grant is still owned by Santiago’s descendants. My family continues the ranching tradition that began with Santiago’s father Pedro Vela.

Maria S. Flores My name is Antonio P. Flores Jr., I am a descendant of Luis Vela through his son Antonio Vela, his daughter Juliana Herrera, julita Gallardo, Ramona Flores and then I and my siblings. Thank you for sharing this information, my grandmother used to talk about it and she would say never forget where you come from and she also said the Lord Our God one day will return the land to the rightful owners.

Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia. All content used with permis

Petition to release our funds

This month besides the upcoming elections, we are focusing on more signatures for our petition, this is a must to help prepare for the battlefield.  We even have a printable version, you can take and share, although the online form is better.  Here is a short link   to the petition cause.  We can do this, if we all join together, let’s rise up with one voice united.  When they see more than 25,000 signatures they will fear us.  Another way to get to all of our causes, is this link

Together we will make change!  Thanks for your support


Los Porciones Series

Today we began a series on  Los Porciones  .  We are working with a historian who is compiled and compiling new information for each of  Los Porciones in the South Texas Land Grants. Click here to view

Maybe you will find your information and rich history here.  We hope this inspires you, and also do not forget we are conducting interviews so each heir can share their story.

Maybe you have your land history information and photos you would like to share , please contact us on our contact form.

Thanks for being active.

Porcion 39 in Webb County Los Porciones Series

Porcion 39 in Webb County consisted of 5,529 acres. In 1767, the original grantee was Jose Antonio Nazario. The next owner is listed as Narciso Gonzalez.

More information to follow later. If you have information, please share it with us, so we can share it with your group and family.

Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia. All content used with permission

Blas María – María Gertrudis de la Garza Falcón Los Porciones Series

Today we begin our Los Porciones History Series starting with Blas Maria – María Gertrudis de la Garza Falcón.  We will focus on the Los Porciones.  Maybe you will see your information in this series.

María Gertrudis de la Garza Falcón, owner of a large South Texas land grant in the eighteenth century, was born in 1734 in Cerralvo, Nuevo León, Mexico, to Blas María de la Garza Falcón and his wife, Catarina Gómez de Castro. Gertrudis was the sister of José Antonio de la Garza Falcón. When José de Escandón, governor of Nuevo Santander, undertook to establish settlements along the Rio Grande, Gertrudis’s father was given permission to settle colonists at the confluence of the Río San Juan and the Rio Grande. The community thus established in March 1749 on the south bank of the Rio Grande was named Camargo. For defensive purposes, in order to ensure that the settlers would not disperse but remain concentrated, Escandón provided that most of the land would be held communally for a number of years.

Gertrudis’s father was made captain of Camargo, and in 1750 Gertrudis, her stepmother, and her brothers moved to the new settlement. In 1754 Gertrudis married her cousin José Salvador de la Garza, son of Capt. Adriano de la Garza and María de Elizondo and also a resident of Camargo. The couple had three children. In 1767, when private land titles were issued to Camargo settlers, Salvador was awarded 5,757 acres of land on the north bank of the Rio Grande in what is now Starr County. Three years later, needing additional pasture, the Garzas moved some or all of their livestock about a hundred miles downriver to a site on the north bank across from Reynosa. In 1772 Salvador de la Garza applied for a large tract of land in this vicinity, title to which was granted him in 1781. The grant, known as the Potrero del Espíritu Santo (Pasture of the Holy Ghost), or simply as the Espíritu Santo grant, comprised 59½ leagues (284,416 acres) now in Cameron County. The ranch that Salvador de la Garza established on the grant was known as Rancho Viejo, and its headquarters were situated west of the site of present-day Brownsville. A state historical marker commemorating the ranch was placed beside U.S. Highway 77 five miles north of Brownsville in 1936.

After her husband’s death, Doña Gertrudis became the owner of all the Espíritu Santo grant, with its cattle, horses, mules, sheep, and goats. Through her hands it passed to numerous descendants. In 1849 some of the family filed suit to recover the land on which the town of Brownsville was located, claiming that holders of faulty titles had improperly conveyed the land to Charles Stillman and the Brownsville Town Company. Although the Garza heirs won their case in January 1852, they sold the Brownsville tract the following April for one-sixth of its appraised value to the lawyers who had represented Stillman, and Stillman subsequently acquired the property. This litigation and the struggle of other Hispanics to retain their land in the face of mounting pressure, formed part of the social background for the activities of Juan Nepomuceno Cortina, a great-grandson of Gertrudis.

Doña Gertrudis died in 1789. Her will, dated August 18, 1789, stated that she wished to be buried in the Guadalupe Chapel in Camargo, where her father was buried. As late as 1991 some of her descendants still lived in the lower Rio Grande valley.

Special thanks for all the research to: Maria Rebecca Lara-Garcia.  All content used with permission


Our Interview series from Texas Spanish Land Grant Heirs  #onevoiceunited





for related posts  click here

Content – Easier Navigation

We have been cleaning up our content navigation, making it easier for you to find important information.

by Carlos.

We begin with a new main menu  (click on any image to enlarge it)


At the top left corner are some quick links, login, get involved etc

At the top right corner are quick links to our social media sites, you can like and follow.

The main navigation was changed for both Desktop PC/Laptops, Mobile devices, Smart Phones and tablets

We included the important topics in the main navigation.

Things have moved around so you might look at some of these sub menu changes Events, News, Info, Members, Bio and Shop have changes.

menunew2.fw menunew3.fwmenunew4.fw menunew5.fw menunew6.fw menunew7.fw

Notice that   Downloads moved to the Shop menu, but member downloads are under the Member menu.

Notice we circled some new things –>  TOC is short for Table of contents, we made a quick Alphabetical listing of contents under some of these sub menus, and under Bio TOC (a-z or by date) is all articles (except events, causes, timeline etc).  See example below.



As you navigate, one thing to miss is the sub menus, of the menus, for example under News — Media, there are two more sections that pop out when you hover over  News-Media with the mouse  see illustration below.

menunew9.fw These side pop out’s are in several places  :

Pop Outs Sub Menus

  • News – Group News
    News – Activism
    News – Media
    News – Spanish Land Grant Heirs
  • Info – Government
    Info – Legal
    Info – TOC
  • Members – Account
  • Bio – Press Media

You don’t want to miss those sections, of information or news — for example Government has three pop out sub menus , Commissions, Supporters and Contacts.

Last of all don’t forget the power of searching.  When you click your mouse on the little search icon on the right main menu navigation a search box pops out see below

menunew8.fw Type in for example:  land grants, then press enter and you see all articles with the words land grants


The power of the sidebar  click the image to see example then your back arrow.


The side bar is shown on each article for example this excellent article:


The sidebar  contains,  a quick donate box, subscribe box then Upcoming events and some similar posts  then you see a sidebar section called “TAGS”  this is powerful, when you click on a tag, all articles with that tag show up in your search results.

For example I click this tag :


and my results are a entire page with those tags,

Spanish Land Grants Heirs – the Voice of Change   whitepaperhb724 Archives   Spanish Land Grants Heirs   the Voice of Change

Tags are growing, so soon all content will have tags.

Finally the sidebar concludes with recent posts,  latest news on Google, Facebook and Twitter

The last section is the bottom of the page we call this the footer. See below


The footer is another place to find things like newletter subscription, social media news, archives, recent posts and recent comments.

That concludes the update  but…

Don’t forget the power of social sharing click here to read

Interviews – we would like to interview you and more

It’s time for interviews. We want to start interviewing the Spanish Land Grant Heirs, people who were able to speak at the HB724 commission meeting and those that were not able to.  There are many unheard stories out there, we would like to publish yours.

We are also looking for other types of interviews, legal experts, historians, politicians that are supporting our causes.

Please spread the word and have the person who is interested contact us.  Thanks

Time for the flood – we need your help

It’s high time we start flooding the politicians, with emails, phone calls, and letters.  Not only can you ask them to support the Spanish Land Grant Heirs, but also join us in the fight.

They get paid off of the taxpayer money, it’s time they start supporting our efforts to win our rightful inheritances.

Here is an example letter you can send them, or email or phone them:

We are a growing network that reaches out to the 4.5 million Hispanic / Latino voters in the State of Texas. We are actively fighting for Hispanic rights. Our largest project is the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

You may be getting letters asking if you support us for upcoming legislation. We want to ask you to take it one step further and join us.

We have a premium plan for “friends” people who are our friends and support our cause. With it , you get a free Professional membership, plus a email digest of news of current events, activism, causes, and more. Join using this link:

In addition for your decision to join us as our friend, we will list you as a public Elected Official supporter (if you are listed because of your votes for our causes, this will secure your listing).

Thanks again for your support. We also welcome an interview, by phone or video chat, would you be interested?

02/08/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Premium members – what’s this?

We are in a bit of a financial crisis,  for the past 30 days we have not had any donations or paid members, but we have a few new followers each day, but they are free followers / subscribers.  We are not here to make money, but we must stay afloat so we can continue the causes.

We are upin the anti with a plan our staff decided to bring this network to more stability, so we can provide you with more news, updates, resources, and use the excess (beyond our budget – see our financial statement) to help fight for litigation (this of course will be donated to the lead attorney for our cause).

The plans are very nice and here is how you can help,

If your not a paid member, please select a plan 

Join Now

There are many affordable plans, or you can make a one time donation 


You can share the network with many types of people, they will get additional benefits beyond the pro member, including,  % off products, special invites, sponsor listing, free gifts, gift cards, free books, print/reproduction, photo book, wall art and more.

We narrowed the premium plans into 7 types,  sometimes a person might fit into more than one of these categories, we ask them to decide how much that want to support us with.

1. A Friend is someone with our interests who are working together with us , or supporting us, this also could mean legal, politician’s etc.   Here a sample email, letter or phone script you can use to get them involved:

We are a growing network that reaches out to the 4.5 million Hispanic / Latino voters in the State of Texas. We are actively fighting for Hispanic rights. Our largest project is the Spanish Land Grant Heirs.

You may be getting letters asking if you support us. We want to ask you to take it one step further and join us.

We have a premium plan for “friends” people who are our friends and support our cause. With it , you get a free Professional membership, plus a email digest of news of current events, activism, causes, and more. Join using this link:

In addition for your decision to join us as our friend, we will list you as a public Elected Official supporter (if you are listed because of your votes for our causes, this will secure your listing).

Thanks again for your support. We also welcome an interview, by phone or video chat, would you be interested?

2. Contributor is someone who contributes information, articles, news, historians, legal experts and more.

3.  4. & 5.  Sponsor is a person, organization or company who would like to sponsor our project. These individuals maybe celebrities, or businesses who want to us succeed.  (don’t forget we have many sponsor related fundraising and other ideas click here and here)

6. VIP is a person who wishes to have special privileges for their support of this network.

7. We have a lifetime membership, which gives them exclusive access to everything on the network.

We compared our prices with other projects of such magnitude and feel we are fair.  We also recognize the power of this in  fundraising not only for this network but also litigation.

Please spread the word with your family, friends, colleagues and constituents.  Together we will win.

02/08/2015 Comments are off the Voice of Change

Weekly Update

There is a lot going on,  we are not silent, what about you?   Over the past 10 days including today are many important publications that give you updates about our future.

Please don’t miss them, and we miss you likes, shares and comments.  Thanks for your support, your all appreciated. Together we will win this battle!

Some recent stories published

  • Interviews (looking for)
  • Time for the flood
  • Breaking news – new legislation being introduced
  • It’s up to you
  • White paper supplement #8 by Mr. Farias
  • What’s next
  • Upcoming elections February – May

Stay tuned and please stay active.

Spanish land grant descendants continue to pursue mineral rights compensation


Kristen Mosbrucker from the Monitor reported today in the news,  the mineral rights proceeds from oil and gas companies that was passed down through generations of landowners have dug deep in South Texas, but the descendants argue they haven’t gotten their fair share.

One of the descendants interviewed reports 18,000 acres promised from the 1767 land grants, but the land was divided in 1891.

She reports that the Comptroller is officially stating that none of the land grants are eligible to prove current ownership, nor mineral rights and only 609 million have been reported, 205 million returned.  We know this is another smoke screen to keep us from our rightful inheritance!

State Representative Ryan Guillen has sponsored several bills to support the land grant heirs.   He started with HB77 which would help divide the unclaimed proceeds among the Spanish and Mexican land grantee descendants.

As we previously reported, the Texas State Constitution of 1866 affirmed that no one can take the mineral rights away from the land owners.

We learned quick that HB724 which Guillen sponsored, (a bill who many want to take credit for), and the land grant descendants got behind and helped push the passage of the bill, failed.

But the battle is not over yet.  The sleeping giants are awake.  Now Guillen’s office reports he is drafting three new bills for the current legislative session.  One of those bills will make a requirement for every gas and oil company to provide more specifics about the property, i.e. well locations, addresses and receivership.  (These were some of the recommendations from HB724 committee).  However the third bill is not based on the HB724 commissions findings but an alternative for making amends to the heirs of Spanish and Mexican land grant heirs.

Stay tuned as we keep you updated on breaking news.

You can read her story at this link

It’s up to you – no one is going to do it for you – time to build a battle chest

My colleagues and I were discussing things like activism, elections, why people don’t even register to vote or get active in other ways. So we started asking questions why some are passive rather than active, and how to get them energized. Are you active and energized, a sleeping giant who was awakened?

One of the people we interviewed believes he will make no difference, but he doesn’t realize its the power of numbers when voting or being active.

A college girl said this
“Its up to you, No one is going to do it t you
You can’t change something by merely talking about it
You have to get involved and do something
Because at the end of the day those who got active either for or against us win”

This really drives our point home.   Who do you want making changes , the people against us? There are plenty of those people.  Or do you want the 4.5 million Texas Hispanic registered voters — plus  to make a change for our rights and freedoms?

When you think about it this way, it really does come down to you.


We just published an article how you can get more involved click here, looking forward to you joining us.



This is a great and must read online or download


SUPPLEMENT # 8 hashtag #whitepaperhb724 



Author George Farías blogged and used by permission  

Please note: these are Mr. Farias' personal presentations to the HB724 commission as a descendant/heir and do not reflect the opinions of anyone else. They are a matter of public record.
Photo Credit: VOC

Please Read all of the White Paper... Begin here or see the tag #whitepaperhb724

WHAT’s NEXT? Time to fulfill state’s land-grant promise

We think it is time for the state to fulfill it’s land grant promises from years ago don’t you ?


Some people think that the money should go to the schools and university’s, like Texas A&M, part of a PUF (permanent university fund). PUF earnings were directed into a newly created Available University Fund (AUF) which in turn were then distributed according to the Texas Constitution and amendments.They argue, incorrectly that millions of acres are public lands, but these land owners never surrendered their rights to the land to the public. In 1883, Texas and Pacific Railroad returned 1 million acres (4,000 km2), deemed too worthless to survey, to the State Government, which turned the land over to the PUF. The They say “Today it pays out 5 percent of its $17 billion in holdings, and worth about 30 billion.  See more here.

If the state has no problem, identifying these wells, minerals and paying them out, why is this injustice still being committed to the Spanish Land Grant Heirs? We would like to know, and that is part of our mission, as well as doing anything we can to secure the payouts.

Here is what’s next..

  1. Legal – we are asking you to contact your attorney about any legal issues or case related information.
  2. Elections – Are you ready for the next election?  FEBRUARY 17, 2015 SPECIAL ELECTIONS  Day’s left:  
    There is no upcoming event in current date to show.
     there are many coming up, as we noted in our last article click here to read
    1. Also under elections, the Secretary of State contacted us and advised for our followers and members to check their local, and county governments for upcoming May elections.
    2. They also submitted a new election calendar click here to view
    3. What’s on the ballot, who’s on it ? Click here
  3. Voter registration – this is a very important issue, one that we are considering a campaign for. There are about 4 million registered Hispanic voters in the state of Texas, but many of the Latino population are not registered. We need your help in making sure everyone in your family, friends, colleagues are registered to vote for upcoming elections. Click here for registration info
  4. Voting for the right people, we need to vote the for the people who support us. We made are making a list, please see this article, you can also help, that article explains how you can call, email or write with our form letters to find out if they are serious about supporting us. Don’t forget to send us your results, that articles shows you how.
  5. Petitions – again this is a major arsenal we have, we need to show them we have more than 25,000 strong, we are slowly making progress but not fast enough.  If each person would tell 6 people and those people 6 people and so on, we will have a million after the 6th time around. Click here for our petition information.
  6. Unity – it is critically important we have a battle field ready of awakened sleeping giants unified.  Click here to learn how you can help

Do you want to do more? Please see our section called activism, and get involved sections for lots of ways you can get involved.

Elections – it is time to make a change – are you fed up yet?

We all know there is some important litigation going on.  We must redirect our information and news until this is complete. Anyway how many people really are tired of a government that does not support us?  As a team we are fed up!

There are upcoming elections primaries.   As of this announcement we are less than 30 days away before this all begins, click here

DO YOU KNOW WHO WILL SUPPORT OUR CAUSE? HAVE YOU SENT LETTERS, OR EMAILS, OR MADE PHONE CALLS? If you have a person who supports us, did you list them for other people click here,

Currently we do not have any listed in our submissions, click here for an update, just previous elected officials that have supported us in the past, click here

February 17, 2015 Special Runoff Elections

State Senator, District 26

State Representative, District 13

State Representative, District 17

State Representative, District 123


  • Monday, March 2, 2015 (68th day before election day; 3rd day after the filing deadline)
  • Wednesday, March 4, 2015 Last day for candidate to withdraw
  • March 13, 2015, Friday,  Last day for special elections * we need to keep an eye on any special elections
  • April 9, 2015 , Thursday, Last date to register to vote * this is very important (for Sat May 9th election)
  • April 27, 2015, Monday , First day to vote in person
  • May 9, 2015, Saturday, ELECTION DAY

We need your help to start calling, emailing, writing letters.  More info can be found on the SOS Texas website click here 

Don’t forget to check our events for elections and info and news for elections and help with how you can be active, or just email us. Thanks for your help.

Also you can find out some of the candidates by clicking the following links:

Political Party Information